The 20,000 insurgents who met Piccolomini in Prizren were Albanians. Prizren was an Albanian city already in 1621
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In 1624, Pjeter Mazrreku reported that Prizren had roughly 200 Catholic inhabitants and 600 Serviani. But the great bulk of the population - 12,000 people in 1624 were Muslims, almost all of them Albanians.
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No doubt the 5,000 who came out to welcome Piccolomini did include many of the local Christians, both Catholic and Orthodox but they can hardly have accounted for more than a fifth of that crowd. It is surely significant that one of the earliest printed accounts of these events, an anonymous text based on original documents, refers to Piccolomini being greeted
at Prizren by '5,000 Arnauts' who were partly Christian Albanians and partly Muslims.' And the anonymous Italian manuscript history which was also clearly based on dispatches and other documents kept in Vienna says that there stood outside Prizren 6,000 and more Albanians including the same ones who were previously paid wages by the Turks and who
are called Arnauts.
In Serbian historiography they have claimed that these Albanians who met Piccolomini were not really Albanians but Serbs
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One modern historian, Rajko Veselinovic, argued on those grounds that the Albanians referred to in the early
accounts of Piccolomini's dealings at Prizren were the mountain clans of Montenegro which were Slav speaking and mostly Orthodox but enough independent historical evidence exists of the actions of these clans during 1689-90 to make this claim unconvincing.
But it's something that is impossible
They claim the archbishop mentioned in Prizren was Arsenije yet there is evidence to show it was not Arsenije but Bogdani, Arsenije was in Montenegro at that point.
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As for the fighting men who subsequently brought
the total (at least in theory) to 20,000 some of these
may also have been inhabitants of Prizren (which in
1670 had a population of roughly 50,000) but the evidence
suggests that others were drawn from further afield. Contarini's
account refers to Piccolomini, on his sickbed in Prizren,
receving the 'chiefs of the neighboring peoples
who came to pay tribute to the Emperor with oaths of fealty.
If, as seems likely, some of these chiefs had been summoned
by Bogdani, we might expect them to have included the leaders
of Catholic clans in the nearby parts of the Malesi and
indeed an Ottoman document written in February 1690 does
refer to a large group of mostly Catholic clans from that
area (including the warlike Fandi) who had allied themselves
with the Austrians. But the pledged total of 20,000 may well
have included other Albanians from areas close to Prizren
who were no longer Catholic, having been converted to Islam
within theprevious two three generations - for example,
the Shulla or Has region, where as Pjeter Mazrreku reported
in 1634 there had previously been 50 Catholic parishes but
were now only five. Mazrreku also noted that the conversions
to Islam was quite superficial: in 1671 another report on this
area stated that '28 years ago there were many Christians
now there remain 300 women and very few men, the rest having abjured
their faith in order to escape impositions and taxes.
the evidence shows that the Austrians also were all not so friendly, for example Holstein is reported to have burned down Slavic villages in Prizren and that there were Serbs and Albanians
fighting on the Ottoman side. There was some Austrian hostility towards the local population, both Albanian and Serb.
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One early account described Mahmut Begollis army as consiting of Rascians as well as Albanians some of these Rascians may also have been Orthodox Slavs
Regarding the so called 'Great Migration' :
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Austrian rule in Kosovo was extremely short-lived.
After the disastrous defeat at Kacanik on 2 January 1690
(which is attributed by some early accounts to disaffection
among the Arnauts on the Austrian side though the
most direct evidence we have makes no mention of this),
the Austrians withdrew in confusion and a joint Tatar-Ottoman
force entered the region. Arsenije fled northwards from Peje
also making a rapid retreat to the north were the Austrian
troops, plus some Rascians and Arnauts who had been stationed
in Prizren, together with the Catholic priest Toma Raspasani.
As he later explained, the rest of the population stayed behind:
Nobody was able to get out of Prizren or Peje, they all remained
there as prey to the barbarian. The popular idea, promoted
by nineteenth century writers and still encountered in the
modern historical literature, that Arsenije led a great
'exodus' of his people out of Kosovo is thus simply false.
He travelled to Belgrade, and spent most of the summer
there, this strong hold, still under Austrian control, was a
natural destination for many Serb refugees, and those
who gathered there during 1690 presumably included people
from those parts of Kosovo (mainly the eastern half)
from which it had been possible to escape from the
Ottoman-Tatar incursion but the majority of the
refugees to escape from the Ottoman Tatar incursion: but
the majority of the refugees there were probably from other
areas. (in the record of a meeting of Serb dignitaries held
in Belgrade in June, the names of people from many parts of
the Serb lands are specified but as it happens no one from Kosovo
apart from the Patriarch himself. Finally in the last month
of 1689 (the chronology is unclear but the process must have begun
before the fall of Belgrade in early October). a mass refugees
together with the Patriarch moved northwards into Hungarian
territory settling in the area between Buda and Komarom (Komarno)