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Is Corsica the Next Catalonia? Nationalists Are Poised for Election Win
Is Corsica the Next Catalonia? Nationalists Are Poised for Election Win
By ADAM NOSSITERDEC. 1, 2017
Supporters of the Pé a Corsica nationalists waving Corsican flags during a campaign rally in Corte, before the territorial elections on the island on Sunday. Olivier Sanchez/European Pressphoto Agency
CORTE, France — The sea of white-and-black Moor’s-head flags rose against a soundtrack of plangent Corsican pop and the auditorium was suddenly transformed. An election-eve political rally had become an emotional family gathering where all were in agreement.
Speaker after speaker rose to proclaim what the crowd already believed: Corsica’s nationalists would win big in territorial elections on Sunday, they were unstoppable, and the mainland had better take notice.
If Corsica’s nationalists have their way, this rugged, cantankerous island that for centuries has been going its own way would become Europe’s next big secessionist tug of war, alongside Spain’s dispute with Catalonia, or Britain’s with Scotland.
But whether or not the French government is ignoring the Corsican movement at its own peril, the reaction from Paris has been virtually uniform: Nothing.
There are few headlines in the French press, no statements from the French government, nothing to indicate there is much concern.
Corsica, with its strong indigenous culture and language, closer to the Italians who ruled it for centuries than to the French, has always had an ambivalent relationship to the mainland. Over the decades, Paris has cultivated a policy of purse-lipped silence, punctuated by irritation, faced with the island’s demands for more autonomy.
Yet Sunday’s first round of elections to the territorial assembly in Corsica is predicted to be a crowning moment for over 40 years of Corsican nationalism.
In that time, the nationalist movement has passed through all the classic stages: anti-government violence, the political consolidation of “autonomists” and “independantists,” and now likely electoral victory for the combined Pé a Corsica (For Corsica) list of nationalists in a newly created, more powerful assembly.
Such a victory would be the second in a row for the nationalists, who first came to power in 2015, and now seem set to consolidate their hold.
“We’ve forgotten nothing about taking our country out of the night into which France has plunged us!” the nationalist leader Jean-Guy Talamoni threatened on Wednesday to the fervent and youthful crowd in this university town, high up in the vertiginous Corsican mountains.
Mr. Talamoni, president of the Corsican assembly, believes independence is the restive Mediterranean island’s destiny and speaks proudly of going to Barcelona “a few times a year.”
France appears not to be listening. On the eve of the election, President Emmanuel Macron was busy in Africa and his interior minister was making tough statements about migrants, not Corsica.
The French government has shown no sign of fearing a domino effect set off by Catalonia, even though Mr. Macron’s own party appears to be trailing the nationalists in the run-up to Sunday’s vote.
The nationalist rallies are packed. Even Marine Le Pen’s National Front — she took Corsica in the first round of presidential voting last spring — struggles to attract sympathizers.
Even so, Mr. Talamoni recognizes that an immediate referendum on independence would be a non-starter in Corsica, with its weak, tourism-dependent economy.
“We’ve been impoverished by the policies that they” — meaning Paris — “have imposed,” said Mr. Talamoni, who doubles as a literature professor at the university, in an interview at a cafe here.
Corsicans will likely vote for the nationalists, “but they won’t vote for independence until they are assured of material stability,” said Mr. Talamoni, a pensive stubble-faced expert on Pascal Paoli, the 18th-century hero of Corsican independence, whose experiment in constitutional government influenced contemporary Americans.
Still, the lack of reaction from the mainland is intensely frustrating to the nationalist leaders here, spurring them to redouble their campaign efforts so that Paris will notice a large victory.
For nearly four decades, the conflict has been marked by bombings, shootings, hundreds of arrests, and “blue nights” when police lights illuminated the wild Corsican maquis, as the island’s fragrant scrub is called.
Now, it seems, there will be ballot-box validation. Could the result of it all be no more than a yawn from Paris? It seems so.
“It’s not indifference, it’s hostility,” said Gilles Simeoni, head of Corsica’s executive council, and leader of the nationalists’ “autonomist” wing.
An ex-mayor of one of the island’s two major cities, Bastia, Mr. Simeoni is the former lawyer for Yvan Colonna, who was convicted of the 1998 murder of a government-appointed prefect, Claude Erignac.
The killing was considered the gravest act of anti-state violence in the four-decade conflict. To this day the nationalists regard Mr. Colonna as a “political” prisoner” — a category not recognized on the mainland.
“There’s no room for demands like ours in the French framework,” Mr. Simeoni said.
Those demands — more fiscal autonomy, control over the island’s education system, a greater say in developing the underpopulated, impoverished interior — seem very far from being realized, for now. “The state is silent and paralyzed,” Mr. Simeoni said.
“People are saying, ‘At least when we had bombs, they listened to us,’ “ Mr. Simeoni said, only half joking. Some 30 militants remain in French prisons, he said.
Mr. Simeoni is credited with pulling in centrist voters by giving the nationalists a moderate face, and ending the patronage and clientelism that had dominated the island’s politics for decades.
“There’s been a ‘massification’ of nationalism, it’s a nationalism that is now inclusive,” said Thierry Dominici, a Corsica expert at the University of Bordeaux. “Everyone seems to be able to recognize themselves in it. And all the state can do is acknowledge this.”
He called Mr. Simeoni the “Corsican Macron, Macron with Corsican sauce” for having marginalized the traditional political parties.
The nationalists have given up on violence — the independence movement FLNC ceremoniously laid down arms in 2014.
But Mr. Simeoni, at the rally here this week, was careful to pay tribute to the militants who sustained the movement for years, implicitly saluting those who planted the bombs and blew up the villas of the “continentals.”
Some were in the audience listening to him, like a grizzled, pony-tailed 65-year-old nurse named Dumé, who said he was proud of all the houses he had brought down (and did not want his full name used because of it).
“Sure, we did a lot against the colonizers,” he said. “Our slogan was, “French Get Out!”’ — a slogan still scribbled in Corsican on the walls of the university here, “IFF,” I Francesi Fora.
“We were impregnated with that struggle,” Dumé said. That night’s rally at Corte was “a lot of emotion for us,” he said. “It shows that 40 years of struggle were not in vain.”
The crowds at these nationalist rallies are varied, from ex-bankers to wine growers to roadway maintenance workers to teachers. But in striking contrast to the National Front rally crowd, there are many young as well.
Their presence bolsters the argument of the nationalist leaders that their politics represents a wave Paris will have to reckon with in the years to come.
“They have all the young people behind them,” said Alexandra Bischof, a 22-year-old communications student at the rally in Corte. “They incarnate Corsica, and they incarnate the future.”
“Sure I’m for independence,” she added. “I want to be free. To no longer be French. We’re Corsican. We’re not French, not at all.”
https://www.nytimes.com/2017/12/01/w...ependence.html
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Originally Posted by Danielion
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