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Thread: Balder's Myths..

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    Default Balder's Myths..

    Balder's Myths have always been my favorite. There are several versions and they all tell it different. In wondering what an original could have been I find myself questioning what good that would do in favor of recognizing in them an ever-changing creative heathenry.

    Snorri says Loki talked Hother into killing Balder. Maybe Loki admits that in Lokasenna. But Saxo says nothing of the sort, and neither is there any mention in The Saga of Hromund Gripsson. Hromund doesn't even kill him, and Vali doesn't kill him either. Snorri says Nanna is Balder's wife and she dies of grief and is "borne upon the pyre". Saxo says Nanna favors Hother and the reason there is a strife between him and Balder is that Balder watched her bathing and wants her for himself. Snorri says the mistletoe is a tree. He didn't know what it was, he probably never saw any of it, as it don't grow in Iceland. Saxo says he was killed by Mimings sword. Maybe the mistletoe was borrowed from English and was associated with the mist. There is so much to it..it's a mess..and it really makes me wonder about Ragnarok and..

    On unsown acres the ears will grow,
    all ill grow better; will Baldr come then.
    Both he and Hoth will in Hropt's hall dwell,
    the war gods' fane: do ye wit more, or how?

    Voluspa 61, Hollander trans.
    Here are some things to read if anyone is interested..

    Eptirmáli The Baldr Myth
    Some Controversial Aspects of the Myth of Baldr
    Chapter X of Eddic Mythology
    The Saga of Hromund Gripsson
    Saxo's History of the Danes..it's in Book III

    Anyone know of anything else, and/or have any thoughts on the matter..??

    Later,
    -Lyfing
    Last edited by Lyfing; 06-28-2009 at 09:01 PM.

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    Can't discuss such things without Herr Grimm!
    Chapter 11: Paltar (Balder)
    (Page 1)

    The myth of Balder, one of the most ingenious and beautiful in the Edda, has happily for us been also handed down in a later form with variations: and there is no better example of fluctuations in a god-myth. The Edda sets forth, how the pure blameless deity is struck with Mistiltein by the blind Höðr, and must go down to the nether world, bewailed by all; nothing can fetch him back, and Nanna the true wife follows him in death. In Saxo, all is pitched in a lower key: Balder and Hother are rival suitors, both wooing Nanna, and Hother, the favoured one manages to procure a magic sword, by which alone his enemy is vulnerable; when the fortune of war has wavered long between them, Hother is at last victorious and slays the demigod, to whom Hel, glad at the near prospect of possessing him, shews herself beforehand. But here the grand funeral pile is prepared for Gelder, a companion of Balder, of whom the account in the Edda knows nothing whatever. The worship of the god is attested chiefly by the Friðþiofssaga, v. Fornald. sög. 2, 63 seq. (see Suppl.).
    Baldr, gen. Baldrs, reappears in the OHG. proper name Paltar (in Meichelbeck no. 450. 460. 611); (1) and in the AS. bealdor, baldor, signifying a lord, prince, king, and seemingly used only with a gen. pl. before it: gumena baldor, Cædm. 163, 4. wigena baldor, Jud. 132, 47. sinca bealdor, Beow. 4852. winia bealdor 5130. It is remarkable that in the Cod. exon 276, 18 mæða bealdor (virginum princeps) is said even of a maiden. I know of only a few examples in the ON.: baldur î brynju, Sæm. 272b, and herbaldr 218b are used for a hero in general; atgeirs baldr (lanceae vir), Fornm. sög. 5, 307. This conversion from a proper name to a noun appellative exactly reminds us of fráuja, frô, freá, and the ON. týr. As bealdor is already extinct in AS. prose, our proper name Paltar seems likewise to have died out early; heathens songs in OHG may have known a paltar = princeps. Such Gothic forms as Baldrs, gen. Baldris, and baldrs (princeps), may fairly be assumed. (2)
    This Baldrs would in strictness appear to have no connexion with the Goth. balþs (bold, audax), nor Paltar with the OHG. pald, nor Baldr with the ON. ballr [[dangerous, dire]]. As a rule, the Gothic ld is represented by ON. ld and OHG. lt: the Gothic lþ by ON. ll and OHG. ld. (3) But the OS. and AS. have ld in both cases, and even in Gothic, ON. and OHG. a root will sometimes appear in both forms in the same language; (4) so that a close connexion between balþs and Baldrs, (5) pald and Paltar, is possible after all. On mythological grounds it is even probable: Balder's wife Nanna is also the bold one, from nenna to dare; in Gothic she would have been Nanþô from nanþjan, in OHG. Nandâ from gi-nendan. The Baldr of the Edda may not distinguish himself by bold deeds, but in Saxo he fights most valiantly; and neither of these narratives pretends to give a complete account of his life. Perhaps the Gothic Balthae (Jornandes 5, 29) traced their origin to a divine Balþ or Baldrs (see Suppl.).
    Yet even this meaning of the 'bold' god or hero might be a later one: the Lith. baltas and Lett. balts signify the white, the good; and by the doctrine of consonant-change, baltas exactly answers to the Goth. balþs and OHG. pald. Add to this, that the AS. genealogies call Wôden's son not Bealdor, Baldor, but Bældæg, Beldeg, which would lead us to expect an OHG. Paltac, a form that I confess I have nowhere read. But both dialects have plenty of other proper names compounded with dæg and tac: OHG. Adaltac, Alptac, Ingatac, Kêrtac, Helmtac, Hruodtac, Regintac, Sigitac; OS. Alacdag, Alfdag (Albdag, Pertz 1, 286), Hildidag, Liuddag, Osdag, Wulfdag; AS. Wegdæg, Swefdæg; even the ON. has the name Svipdagr. Now, either Bældæg simply stands for Bealdor, and is synonymous with it (as e.g., Regintac with Reginari Sigitac with Sigar, Sigheri) (6); or else we must recognise in the word dæg, dag, tac itself a personification, such as we found another root undergoing (p. 194-5) in the words div, divan, dina, dies; and both alike would express a shining one, a white one, a god. Prefixing to this the Slavic bièl, bèl, we have no need to take Bældæg as standing for Bealdor or anything else, Bæl-dæg itself is white-god, light-god, he that shines as sky and light and day, the kindly Bièlbôgh, Bèlbôgh of the Slav system (see Suppl.). It is in perfect accord with this explanation of Bæl-dæg, that the AS. tale of ancestry assigns to him a son Brond, of whom the Edda is silent, brond, brand, ON. brandr [[fire brand or blade of a sword]], signifying jubar, fax, titio. Bældæg therefore, as regards his name, would agree with Berhta, the bright goddess.
    We have to consider a few more circumstances bearing on this point. Baldr's beauty is thus described in Sn. 26: 'Hann er svâ fagr âlitum ok biartr svâ at lysir af honum, oc eitt gras er svâ hvitt, at iafnat er til Baldrs brâr, þat er allra grasa hvîtast oc þar eptir mâttu marka hans fegurð bæði â hâri ok lîki'; he is so fair of countenance and bright that he shines of himself, there is a grass so white that it is evened with Baldr's brows, it is of all grasses whitest, and thereby mayest thou mark his fairness both in hair and body. This plant, named Baldrsbrâ after the god's white eyebrow, (7) is either the anthemis cotula, still called Barbro in Sweden, Balsenbro, Ballensbra in Schonen, and Barbrogräs in Denmark, or the matricaria maritima inodora, which retains the original name in Iceland (see Suppl.). (8) In Skåne there is a Baldursberg, in the Öttingen country a Baldern, and in the Vorarlberg, east of Bregenz, Balderschwang; such names of places demand caution, as they may be taken from men, Baldar or Baldheri, I therefore withhold the mention of several more. But the heavenly abode of the god was called Breiðablik, nom. pl. (Sæm. 41b, Sn. 21-7), i.e. broad splendors, which may have reference to the streaks of the milky way; a place near Lethra, not far from Roeskild, is said to have borne the name of Bredeblick. (9) This very expression re-appears in a poem of the twelfth century, though not in reference to a dwelling- place, but to a host of snow-white steeds and heroes advancing over the battlefield: Dô brâhte Dietherîches vane zvencik dûsint lossam in breither blickin uber lant, Roth. 2635. In Wh. 381, 16: 'daz bluot über die blicke flôz, si wurdn almeistic rôtgevar,' did the blood flow over the paths of the field, or over the shining silks?

    ENDNOTES:

    1. Graff 1, 432 thinks this name stands for Paltaro, and is a compound of aro (aar, aquila), but this is unsupported by analogy; in the ninth and tenth centuries, weak forms are not yet curtailed, and we always find Epuraro (eberaar, boar-eagle), never Epurar.
    2. Baldrs, Paltar, must be kept distinct from the compound Baldheri (Schannat no. 420. 448), Paldheri (Trad. patav. no 35), AS. Baldhere. This Paldheri is the same as Paldachar (Trad. patav. no. 18).
    3. Goth. -----kalds \ /vilþeis---------hulþs-------gulþ.
    ON.--------kaldr | but | villr----------hollr --------gull.
    OHG.-------chalt / \ wildi---------hold--------kold.
    [[cold]] [[wild, false or perplexed]] [[faithful, loyal]] [[gold]]
    4. Conf. Gothic alþan and alþs aldis, also aldrs; Goth. falþan and OHG. faldan, afterwards faltan. As þ degenerates into d, and d into t, any d put for þ, or t for d, marks a later form: the Goth. fadr stands for faþr, as we see by pater [the AS. 'fæder, módor,' after a usurpation of 1000 years, must have given place to the truer 'father, mother' again]. In the ON. valda [[to wield, to rule, to cause]] pret. olli, we must regard the ll as older than the ld, in spite of the Goth. valdan and OHG. waltan [some would prefer to call valda an archaism].
    5. Baldr may be related to balþ, as tîr to tý, and zior to zio.
    6. The cases are hardly analogous: Bæld-æg and Regin-tac.----Trans.
    7. Homer emphasizes the dark brows of Zeus and Hera, ÑfrÝj kuanša. Conf. leukÒfruj and Artemis leukofrÚnh, white-browed Diana.
    8. Germ. names of the camomile: kuhauge, rindsauge, ochsenauge (ox-eye. Dalecarl. hvitet-oja (white eye), in Båhuslän hvita-piga (white girl).
    9. Suhm. crit. hist. 2, 63.

    (Page 2)

    If Bældæg and Brond reveal to us that the worship of Balder had a definite form of its own even outside of Scandinavia, we may conclude from the general diffusion of all the most essential proper names entering into the main plot of the myth there, that this myth as a whole was known to all Teutons. The goddess Hel, as will be more fully shown in ch. XIII, answers to the Gothic impersonal noun halja, OHG. hella. Höðr (acc. Höð, gen. Haðar, dat. Heði), pictured as a blind god of tremendous strength (Sn. 31), who without malice discharges the fatal arrow at Baldr, is called Hotherus in Saxo, and implies a Goth. Haþus, AS. Heaðo, OHG. Hadu, OFrank. Chado, of which we have still undoubted traces in proper names and poetic compounds. OHG. Hadupraht, Hadufuns, Hadupald, Hadufrid, Hadumâr, Hadupurc, Hadulint, Haduwîc (Hedwig), &c., forms which abut close on the Catumêrus in Tacitus Hadumâr, Hadamâr). In AS. poetry are still found the terms heaðorinc (vir egregius, nobilis), Cædm. 193, 4. Beow. 737. 4927; heaðowelm (belli impetus, fervor), Cædm. 21, 14. 147, 8. Beow. 164. 5633; heaðoswât (sudor bellicus), Beow. 2919. 3211. 3334; heaðowæd (vestis bellica), Beow. 78; heaðubyrne (lorica bellica), Cod. exon. 297, 7; heaðosigel and heaðogleám (egregium jubar), Cod. exon. 486, 17 and 438, 6; heaðolâc (pugnae ludus), Beow. 1862. 3943; heaðogrim (atrocissimus), Beow. 1090. 5378; heaðosioc (pugna vulneratus), Beow. 5504; heaðosteáp (celsus), Beow. 2490. 4301. In these words, except where the meaning is merely intensified, the prevailing idea is plainly that of battle and strife, and the god or hero must have been thought of and honoured as a warrior. Therefore Haþus, Höðr, as well as Wuotan and Zio, expressed phenomena of war; and he was imagined blind, because he dealt out at random good hap and ill (p. 207).---Then, beside Höðr, we have Hermôðr interweaving himself in the thread of Balder's history; he is dispatched to Hel, to demand his beloved brother back from the underworld. In Saxo he is already forgotten; the AS. genealogy places its Heremôð among Wôden's ancestors, and names as his son either Sceldwa or the Sceáf renowned in story, whereas in the North he and Balder alike are the offspring of Oðinn; in the same way we saw (p. 219) Freyr taken for the father as well as the son of Niörðr. A later Heremôd appears in Beow. 1795. 3417, but still in kinship with the old races; he is perhaps that hero, named by the side of Sigmundr in Sæm. 113ª, to whom Oðinn lends helm and hauberk. AS. title-deeds also contain the name Kemb. 1, 232. 141; and in OHG. Herimuot, Herimaot, occurs very often (Graff 2, 699 anno 782, from MB. 7, 373. Neugart no. 179. 214. 244. 260. annis 809-22-30-34. Ried. no. 21 anno 821), but neither song nor story has a tale to tell of him (see Suppl.).
    So much the more valuable are the revelations of the Merseburg discovery; not only are we fully assured now of a divine Balder in Germany, but there emerges again a long-forgotten mythus, and with it a new name unknown even to the North.
    When, says the lay, Phol (Balder) and Wodan were one day riding in the forest, one foot of Balder's foal, 'demo Balderes volon,' was wretched out of joint, whereupon the heavenly habitants bestowed their best pains on setting it right again, but neither Sinngund and Sunna, nor yet Frûa and Folla could do any good, only Wodan the wizard himself could conjure and heal the limb (see Suppl.).
    The whole incident is as little known to the Edda as to other Norse legends. Yet what was told in a heathen spell in Thuringia before the tenth century is still in its substance found lurking in conjuring formulas known to the country folk of Scotland and Denmark (conf. ch. XXXVIII, Dislocation), except that they apply to Jesus what the heathens believed of Balder and Wodan. It is somewhat odd, that Cato (De re rust. 160) should give, likewise for a dislocated limb, an Old Roman or perhaps Sabine form of spell, which is unintelligible to us, but in which a god is evidently invoked: Luxum si quod est, hac cantione sanum fiet. Harundinem prende tibi viridem pedes IV aut V longam, mediam diffinde, et duo homines teneant ad coxendices. Incipe cantare in alio S.F. motas vaeta daries dardaries astataries Dissunapiter! usque dum coeant. What follows is nothing to our purpose.
    The horse of Balder, lamed and checked on his journey, acquired a full meaning the moment we think of him as the god of light or day, whose stoppage and detention must give rise to serious mischief on the earth. Probably the story in its context could have informed us of this; it was foreign to the purpose of the conjuring spell.
    The names of the four goddesses will be discussed in their proper place; what concerns us here is, that Balder is called a second and hitherto unheard-of name, Phol. The eye for our antiquities often merely wants opening: a noticing of the unnoticed has resulted in clear footprints of such a god being brought to our hand, in several names of places.
    In Bavaria there was a Pholesauwa, Pholesouwa, ten or twelve miles from Passau, which the Traditiones patavienses first mention in a document drawn up between 774 and 788 (MB. vol 28, pars 2, p. 21, no. 23), and afterwards many later ones of the same district: it is the present village of Pfalsau. Its composition with aue quite fits in with the suppostion of an old heathen worship. The gods were worshipped not only on mountains, but on 'eas' inclosed by brooks and rivers, where fertile meadow yielded pasture, and forest shade. Such was the castum nemus of Nerthus in an insula Oceani, such Fosetesland with its willows and well-springs, of which more presently. Baldrshagi (Balderi pascuum), mentioned in the Friðþiofssaga, was an enclosed sanctuary (griðastaðr), which none might damage. I find also that convents, for which time-hallowed venerable sites were preferred, were often situated in 'eas'; and of one nunnery the very word used: 'in der megde ouwe,' in the maids' ea (Diut. 1, 357). (10) The ON. mythology supplies us with several eas named after the loftiest gods: Oðinsey (Odensee) in Fünen, another Oðinsey (Onsöe) in Norway, Fornm. sög. 12, 33, and Thôrsey, 7, 234. 9, 17; Hlêssey (Lässöe) in the Kattegat, &c., &c. We do not know any OHG. Wuotanesouwa, Donarsouwa, but Pholesouwa is equally to the point.

    ENDNOTES:

    10. So the Old Bavarian convent of Chiemsee was called ouwa (MB. 28ª, 103 an. 890), and afterwards the monastery there 'der herren werd,' and the nunnery 'der nunnen werd'. Stat 'zo gottes ouwe' in Lisch. mekl. jb. 7, 227, from a fragment belonging to Bertholds Crane. Demantin 242.

    (Page 3)

    Very similar must have been Pholespiunt (MB. 9, 404 circ. 1138. Pfalspiunt, 5, 399 anno 1290), now Pfalzpoint on the Altmühl, between Eichstädt and Kipfenberg, in a considerable forest. Piunt means an enclosed field or garden; (11) and if an ea could be consecrated to a god, so could a field. Graff 3, 342 has a place called Frawûnpiunt, which, to judge by the circumstances, may with like reason be assigned to the goddess Frouwa; no doubt it also belongs to Bavaria (see Suppl.).
    In the Fulda Traditions (Schannat p. 291, no. 85) occurs this remarkable passage: Widerolt comes tradidit sancto Bonifacio quicquid proprietatis habuit in Pholesbrunnen in provincia Thuringiae. To this Pholesbrunno, the village of Phulsborn has the first claim, lying not far from the Saale, equidistant from the towns Apolda, Dornburg and Sulza, and spelt in Mid. Age documents Phulsborn and Pfolczborn; there is however another village, Falsbrunn or Falsbronn, on the Rauhe Eberach in the Franconian Steigerwald. Now Pfolesbrunno all the more plainly suggests a divinity (and that, Balder), as there are also Baldersbrunnen: a Baldebrunno has been produced from the Eifel mts, and from the Rhine Palatinate, (12) and it has been shown that the form ought to be corrected into Baldersbrunno as well as the modern Baldenhain to Baldershain (Zeitschr. f. d. alt. 2, 256); and Bellstadt in the Klingen district of Schwarzburg-Sondershausen was formerly Baldersteti, Schannat dioec. Fuld. p. 244, anno 977 (see Suppl.). From the Norse mythus of Balder, as given by Saxo, we learn that Balder in the heat of battle opened a fountain for his languishing army: Victor Balderus, ut afflictum siti militem opportuni liquoris beneficio recrearet, novos humi latices terram altius rimatus aperuit, quorum erumpentes scatebras sitibundum agmen hianti passim ore captabat. Eorundem vestigia sempiterna firmata vocabulo, quamquam pristina admodum scaturigo desierit, nondum prorsus exolevisse creduntur. This spot is the present Baldersbrönd near Roeskild (note to Müller's Saxo, p. 120). But the legend may be the same as old German legends, which at a later time placed to king Charle's account (p. 117, and infra, Furious host) that which heathendom had told of Balder; in that case the still surviving name has itself proved a fountain, whence the myth of Balder emerges anew. (13)
    But the name of Phol is established more firmly still. A Heinricus de Pholing frequently appears in the Altach records of the 13th century, MB. part 11, a Rapoto de Pholingen, Phaling, in MB. 12, 56. 60; this place is on the left bank of the Danube below Straubingen, between the two convents of Altach. I doubt if the Polling in other records (and there are several Pollings in the Ammer country) can be the same word, as the aspirate is wanting and the liquid doubled. Pfullendorf or Follendorf near Gotha is in docs. of the 14th century Phulsdorf. A Pholenheim in Schannat, Vind. lit. coll. 1, 48. 53. Not far from Scharzfeld, between the Harz mts and Thuringia, is an old village named Pölde, called in early records and writings Polidi, Palidi, Palithi, Pholidi (Gramm. 2, 248), the seat of a well-known convent, which again may have been founded on the site of a heathen sanctuary. If a connexion with the god can be established in this case, we at the same time gather from it the true value of the varying consonant in his name.
    Of Phol so many interpretations crowd upon us, that we should be puzzled if they could all be made good. The Chaldaic bel or bal seems to have been a mere title pertaining to several gods: bel = Uranus, bel = Jupiter, bel = Mars. The Finnish palo means fire, the ON. bâl [[fire, flame, funeral pyre]], AS. bael rogus, and the Slav. páliti to burn, with which connect Lat. Pales and the Palilia. Of phallus we have already spoken. We must first make sure of the sounds in our native names for a divinity of whom as yet we know nothing but the base name (see Suppl.). On the question as to the sense of the word itself, I set aside the notion one might stumble on, that it is merely a fondling form of Paltar, Balder, for such forms invariably preserve the initial of the complete name; we should expect Palzo, Balzo, but not Phol. (14) Nor does the OHG. Ph seem here to be equivalent to the ordinary F which corresponds to the Saxon F, but rather to be an aspirate which, answering to the Saxon tenuis P, represents an Old-Aryan media B. But we know that a Saxon initial P = OHG. Ph is found almost exclusively in foreign words (15) (porta, phorta; putti, phuzi; pêda, pheit); it follows that for Phol, in case the Sax. form Pol is really made out, we must either look for such a foreign P, or as a rare exception, in which the law of consonant-change does assert itself, an Old- Aryan B. I incline to this last hypothesis and connect Phol and Pol (whose o may very well have sprung from a) with the Celtic Beal, Beul, Bel, Belenus, a divinity of light or fire, the Slav. Bièlbôgh, Bèlbôgh (white-god), the adj. bièl, bèl (albus), Lith. baltas, which last with its extension I makes it probable that Bældæg and Baldr are of the same root, but have not undergone consonant-change. Phol and Paltar therefore are in their beginning one, but reveal to us two divergent historical developments of the same word, and a not unimportant difference in the mythology of the several Teutonic races. (16)
    So far as we can see, the god was worshipped under the name of Phol chiefly by the Thuringians and Bavarians, i.e. according to ancient nomenclature the Hermunduri and Marcomanni, yet they seem tohave also known his other name Paltar or Balder, while Baldag, Bældæg prevailed among the Saxons and Westphalians, and the AS. bealdor had passed into a common noun. Now as the Bavarian Eor stood opposed to the Alamannic Zio, we ought to find out whether Phol was in like manner unknown to the Alamanns and the races most akin to them. (17)
    Lastly, from eastern Germany we are transported to the northwest by a name appertaining closely to the Balder cultus, and again linking itself with the Edda. The Edda cites among the Ases a son of Balder and Nanna, Forseti, who like his father dwelt in a shining hall Glitnir (glit, nitor, splendor, OHG. kliz) built of gold and silver, and who (as Baldr himself had been called the wisest, most eloquent and mildest god, whose verdicts are final, Sn. 27) passed among gods and men for the wisest of judges; he settled all disputed matters (Sæm. 42ª. Sn. 31. 103), and we are told no more about him (see Suppl.).

    ENDNOTES:

    11. A Salzburg doc. of the tenth cent., in Kleinmayrn p. 196: Curtilem locum cum duobus pratis, quod piunti dicimus.
    12. Conf. Schöpflin's Alsat. dipl. no. 748, anno 1285: in villa Baldeburne. A Westphal. doc. of 1203 (Falke trad. corb. p. 566) names a place Balderbroc, which might mean palus, campus Balderi.
    13. Greek tradition tells of Herakles and Zeus: fasˆ tÕn `Hraklša d…yei pot katacšta eÜxasqai tÕ D ˆ patrˆ ™pide‹xai aÙtù mikran lib£da. Ð d mh qšlwn aÝtÕn katatrÚcesqai, ·…yaj keraunÕn ¢nšdwke mikran lib£da, ¼n qeas£menoj Ð \HraklÁj kaˆ sk£yaj eˆj tÕ plousièteron ™po…hse fšresqai (Scholia in Il. 20, 74). This spring was Scamander, and the libaj 'HraklÁoj may be set by the side of Pfolesbrunno as well as Pfolesouwa, lib£dion being both mead and ea; and does not the Grecian demigod's pyre kindled on Oeta suggest that of Balder?
    14. So I explain the proper name Folz from Folbreht, Folrât, Folmâr, and the like; it therefore stands apart from Phol. [The Suppl. qualifies the sweeping assertion in the text; it also takes notice of several other solutions, as Apollo, Pollox, foal, &c.]
    15. That is, really borrowed words, as port, paternal, palace, in which the Low Germ. makes no change (like that in firth, father), and therefore the High Germ. stands only one stage instead of two in advance of Latin: Pforte, Pfalz, &c. Such words stand outside the rule of consonant-change.-----Trans.
    16. I have thus far gone on the assumption that Phol and Balder in the Merseberg spell designate one and the same divine being, which is strongly supported by the analogy I have pointed out between Pholesouwa and Baldrshagi, Pholesbrunno and Baldrsbrunnr; and his cultus must have been very familiar to the people, for the poem to be able to name him by different names in succession, without fear of being misunderstood. Else one might suppose by the names, that Phol and Balder were two different gods, and there would be plenty of room left for the question, who can possibly be meant by Phol? If PH could here represent V = W, which is contrary to all analogy, and is almost put out of court by the persistent PH, PF in all those names of places; then we might try the ON. Ullr, Ollerus in Saxo, p. 45, which (like ull, OHG. wolla, wool) would be in OHG. Wol, so that 'Wol endi Wôdan (Ullr ok Oðinn)' made a perfect alliteration. And Ullr was connected with Baldr, who in Sæm. 93ª is called 'Ullar sefi,' sib to U., Ulli cognatus (see Suppl.). But the gen. would have to be Wolles, and that is contradicted by the invariably single L in Pholes. The same reason is conclusive against Wackernagel's proposal to take Fol for the god of fulness and plenty, by the side of the goddess Follâ; I think the weak form Follo would be demanded for it by an OHG. Pilnitis; v. Haupts zeitschr. 2, 190. Still more does the internal consistency of the song itself require the identity of Phol and Balder; it would be odd for Phol to be named at the beginning, and no further notice to be taken of him.
    17. The inquiry, how far these names reach back into antiquity, is far from exhausted yet. I have called attention to the Pfolgraben (-ditch), the Pfalhecke (-hedge, -fence), for which devil's dyke is elsewhere used; then the raising of the whirlwind is ascribed in some parts to the devil, in others to Herodias [meaning H.'s daughter the dancer], in others again to Pfol. Eastern Hesse on the Werra has a 'very queer' name for the whirlwind, beginning with Bull- or Boil-; and in the neighbouring Eichsfeld Pulloineke is pronounced with shyness and reluctance (Münchner gel. anz. 1842, p. 762). A Niddawitz ordinance of the same district (3, 327) contains the family name Boylsperg (Polesberc?), Pfoylsperg. The spelling Bull, Boil, would agree with the conjecture hazarded above, but I do not connect with this the idol Biel in the Harz, for Bielstein leads back to bîlstein, i.e. beilstein. Schmid's westerw. id. 145 has pollecker, bollecker for spectre, bugbear (see Suppl.).
    (Page 4)

    This Forseti is well entitled to be compared with the Frisian god Fosite, concerning whom some biographies composed in the ninth century gives us valuable information. The vita sancti Wilibrordi (d. 739), written by the famous Alcuin (d. 804), relates as follows, cap. 10: Cum ergo pius verbi Dei praedicator iter agebat, pervenit in confinio Fresonum et Danorum ad quamdam insulam, quae a quodam deo suo Fosite ab accolis terrae Fositesland appellatur, quia in ea ejusdem dei fana fuere constructa. qui locus a paganis in tanta veneratione habebatur, ut nil in ea, vel animalium ibi pascentium, vel aliarum quarumlibet rerum, gentilium quisquam tangere audebat, nec etiam a fonte qui ibi ebulliebat aquam haurire nisi tacens praesumebat. Quo cum vir Dei tempestate jactatus est, mansit ibidem aliquot dies, quousque sepositis tempestatibus opportunum navigandi tempus adveniret. sed parvipendens stultam loci illius religionem, vel ferocissimum regis animum, qui violatores sacrorum illius atrocissima morte damnare solebat; tres homines in eo fonte cum invocatione sanctae Trinitatis baptizavit. sed et animalia in ea terra pascentia in cibaria suis mactare praecepit. Quod pagani intuentes, arbitrabantur eos vel in furorem verti, vel etiam veloci morte perire; quos cum nil mali cernebant pati, stupore perterriti, regi tamen Radbodo quod viderant factum retulerunt. Qui nimio furore succensus in sacerdotem Dei vivi suorum injurias deorum ulcisci cogitabat, et per tres dies semper tribus vicibus sortes suo more mittebat, et nunquam damnatorum sors, Deo vero defendente suos, super servum Dei aut aliquem ex suis cadere potuit; nec nisi unus tantum ex sociis sorte monstratus martyrio coronatus est.--- Radbod feared king Pippin the Frank, and let the evangelist go unhurt. (18) What Wilibrord had left unfinished, was accomplished some time after by another priest, as the vita sancti Liudgeri, composed by Altfrid (d. 849), tells of the year 785: Ipse vero (Liudgerus)......studuit fana destruere, et omnes erroris pristini abluere sordes. curavit quoque ulterius doctrinae derivare flumina, et consilio ab imperatore accepto, transfretavit in confinio Fresonum atque Danorum ad quandam insulam, quae a nomine dei sui falsi Fosete Foseteslant est appellata........Pervenientes autem ad eandem insulam, destruxerunt omnia ejusdem Fosetis fana, quae illic fuere constructa, et pro eis Christi fabicaverunt ecclesias, cumque habitatores terrae illius fide Christi imbueret, baptizavit eos cum invocatione sanctae Trinitatis in fonte, qui ibi ebulliebat, in quo sanctus Willibrordus prius homines tres baptizaverat, a quo etiam fonte nemo prius haurire aquam nisi tacens praesumebat (Pertz 2, 410).----Altfrid evidently had the work of Alcuin by him. From that time the island took the name of hélegland, Helgoland, which it bears to this day; here also the evangelists were careful to conserve, in the interest of christianity, the sense of sacredness already attaching to the site. Adam of Bremen, in his treatise De situ Daniae (Pertz 9, 369), describes the island thus: Ordinavit (archiepiscopus episcopum) in Finne (Fühnen) Eilbertum, quem tradunt conversum (l. captum) a piratis Farriam insulam, quae in ostio fluminis Albiae longo secessu latet in oceano, primum reperisse constructoque monasterio in ea fecisse habitabilem. haec insula contra Hadeloam sita est. cujus longitudo vix VIII milliaria panditur, latitudo quatuor; homines stramine fragmentisque navium pro igne utuntur. Sermo est piratas, si quando praedam inde vel minimam tulerint, aut max perisse naufragio, aut occisos ab aliquo, nullum redisse indempnem; quapropter solent heremitis ibi viventibus decimas praedarum offerre cum magna devotione. est enim feracissima frugum, ditissima volucrum et pecudum nutrix, collem habet unicum, arborem nullam, scopulis includitur asperrimis, nullo aditu nisi uno, ubi et aqua dulcis (the spring whence they drew water in silence), locus venerabilis omnibus nautis, praecipue vero piratis, unde nomen accepit ut Heiligeland dicatur. hanc in vita sancti Willebrordi Fosetisland appellari dicimus, quae sita est in confinio Danorum et Fresonum. sunt et aliae insulae contra Fresiam et Daniam, sed nulla earum tam memorabilis.----The name Farria, appearing here for the first time, either arose from confounding the isle of Föhr with Helgoland, or we must emend the passage, and read 'a piratis Farrianis.' By the customs of these mariners and vikings even of christian times, we may assure ourselves how holy the place was accounted in the heathen time (see Suppl.).
    In an island lying between Denmark, Friesland and Saxony, we might expect to find a heathen god who was common to all three. It would be strange if the Frisian Fosite were unknown to the Norsemen; and stranger still if the Eddic Forseti were a totally different god. It is true, one would have expected a mention of this deity in particular from Saxo Gram., who is quite silent about it; but then he omits many others, and in his day Fosite's name may have died out amongst the Frisians.
    There is some discrepancy between the two names, as was natural in the case of two nations: ON. Forseti gen. forseta, Fris. Fosite gen. Fosites. The simplest suppostion is, that from Forsite arose by assimilation Fossite, Fosite, or that the R dropt out, as in OHG. mosar for morsar, Low Germ. mösar; so in the Frisian Angeln, according to Hagerup p. 20, föst, föste = förste, primus. Besides, there is hardly any other way of explaining Fosite. In ON. forseti is praeses, princeps, apparently translatable into OHG. forasizo, a fitting name for the god who presides over judgment, and arranges all disputes. The Gothic faúragaggja bears almost the same sense, which I also find, even in much later writings, attached to our word vorgänger (now = predecessor). More complete AS. genealogies would perhaps name a Forseta or Forsete as Bældæg's son. (19)
    Forseti, Fosite are a proof of the extent of Balder's worship. If we may infer from Pholesouwa and Baldrshagi that the god loved isles and 'eas,' Helgoland is a case in point, where the flocks of his son grazed; and so is perhaps the worship of the Hercules-pillars, which, following Tacitus, we might fix on some other island near it. (20)

    ENDNOTES:

    18. Acta sanctor. Bened., sec. 3. pars 1, p. 609.
    19. Later writers have turned Fosete into a goddess Foseta, Phoseta, Fosta, to approximate her to the Roman Vesta; maps of Helgoland, in which are found marked a 'templum Fostae vel Phosetae' of the year 768, and a 'templum Vestae' of 692, were made up in Major's Cimbrien (Plön, 1692), conf. Wiebel's programm über Helgoland, Hamb. 1842. The god Foste and Fosteland could easily find their way into the spurious Vita Suiberti cap. 7.
    20. Another thought has struck my mind about Fosete. In the appendix to the Heldenbuch, Ecke, Vasat, Abentrot are styled brothers. The form Fasat instead of the usual Fasolt need not be a mistake; there are several OHG. men's names in -at, and OS. in -ad, -id, so that Fasat and Fasolt can hold their ground side by side. Now Fasolt (conf. ch. XX. Storm) and Ecke were known as god-giants of wind and water, Abentrot as a dæmon of light. As Ecke-Oegir was worshipped on the Eider and in Lässöe, so might Fosite be in Helgoland. The connexion with Forseti must not be let go, but its meaning as For-seti, Fora-sizo becomes dubious, and I feel inclined to explain it as Fors-eti from for [a whirling stream, 'force' in Cumbld], Dan. fos, and to assume a dæmon of the whirlpool, a Fossegrimm (conf. ch. XVII. Nichus), with which Fosite's sacred spring would tally. Again, the Heldenbuch gives those three brothers a father Nentigêr (for so we must read for Mentiger) = OHG. Nandgêr; and does not he suggest Forseti's mother Nanna = Nandâ?
    I got it off www.northvegr.org
    Last edited by Osweo; 06-28-2009 at 10:25 PM.

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    We probably need to throw Sir James G. Frazier into the mix as well..

    CHAPTER III

    THE MYTH OF BALDER

    [How Balder, the good and beautiful god, was done to death by a stroke of the mistletoe.]

    A deity whose life might in a sense be said to be neither in heaven
    nor on earth but between the two, was the Norse Balder, the good and
    beautiful god, the son of the great god Odin, and himself the wisest,
    mildest, best beloved of all the immortals. The story of his death, as
    it is told in the younger or prose _Edda_, runs thus. Once on a time
    Balder dreamed heavy dreams which seemed to forebode his death.
    Thereupon the gods held a council and resolved to make him secure
    against every danger. So the goddess Frigg took an oath from fire and
    water, iron and all metals, stones and earth, from trees, sicknesses and
    poisons, and from all four-footed beasts, birds, and creeping things,
    that they would not hurt Balder. When this was done Balder was deemed
    invulnerable; so the gods amused themselves by setting him in their
    midst, while some shot at him, others hewed at him, and others threw
    stones at him. But whatever they did, nothing could hurt him; and at
    this they were all glad. Only Loki, the mischief-maker, was displeased,
    and he went in the guise of an old woman to Frigg, who told him that the
    weapons of the gods could not wound Balder, since she had made them all
    swear not to hurt him. Then Loki asked, "Have all things sworn to spare
    Balder?" She answered, "East of Walhalla grows a plant called mistletoe;
    it seemed to me too young to swear." So Loki went and pulled the
    mistletoe and took it to the assembly of the gods. There he found the
    blind god Hother standing at the outside of the circle. Loki asked him,
    "Why do you not shoot at Balder?" Hother answered, "Because I do not see
    where he stands; besides I have no weapon." Then said Loki, "Do like the
    rest and shew Balder honour, as they all do. I will shew you where he
    stands, and do you shoot at him with this twig." Hother took the
    mistletoe and threw it at Balder, as Loki directed him. The mistletoe
    struck Balder and pierced him through and through, and he fell down
    dead. And that was the greatest misfortune that ever befell gods and
    men. For a while the gods stood speechless, then they lifted up their
    voices and wept bitterly. They took Balder's body and brought it to the
    sea-shore. There stood Balder's ship; it was called Ringhorn, and was
    the hugest of all ships. The gods wished to launch the ship and to burn
    Balder's body on it, but the ship would not stir. So they sent for a
    giantess called Hyrrockin. She came riding on a wolf and gave the ship
    such a push that fire flashed from the rollers and all the earth shook.
    Then Balder's body was taken and placed on the funeral pile upon his
    ship. When his wife Nanna saw that, her heart burst for sorrow and she
    died. So she was laid on the funeral pile with her husband, and fire was
    put to it. Balder's horse, too, with all its trappings, was burned on
    the pile.[256]

    [Tale of Balder in the older _Edda_.]

    In the older or poetic _Edda_ the tragic tale of Balder is hinted at
    rather than told at length. Among the visions which the Norse Sibyl sees
    and describes in the weird prophecy known as the _Voluspa_ is one of the
    fatal mistletoe. "I behold," says she, "Fate looming for Balder, Woden's
    son, the bloody victim. There stands the Mistletoe slender and delicate,
    blooming high above the ground. Out of this shoot, so slender to look
    on, there shall grow a harmful fateful shaft. Hod shall shoot it, but
    Frigga in Fen-hall shall weep over the woe of Wal-hall."[257] Yet
    looking far into the future the Sibyl sees a brighter vision of a new
    heaven and a new earth, where the fields unsown shall yield their
    increase and all sorrows shall be healed; then Balder will come back to
    dwell in Odin's mansions of bliss, in a hall brighter than the sun,
    shingled with gold, where the righteous shall live in joy for ever
    more.[258]

    [The story of Balder as related by Saxo Grammaticus.]

    Writing about the end of the twelfth century, the old Danish historian
    Saxo Grammaticus tells the story of Balder in a form which professes to
    be historical. According to him, Balder and Hother were rival suitors
    for the hand of Nanna, daughter of Gewar, King of Norway. Now Balder was
    a demigod and common steel could not wound his sacred body. The two
    rivals encountered each other in a terrific battle, and though Odin and
    Thor and the rest of the gods fought for Balder, yet was he defeated and
    fled away, and Hother married the princess. Nevertheless Balder took
    heart of grace and again met Hother in a stricken field. But he fared
    even worse than before; for Hother dealt him a deadly wound with a magic
    sword, which he had received from Miming, the Satyr of the woods; and
    after lingering three days in pain Balder died of his hurt and was
    buried with royal honours in a barrow.[259]

    [Balder worshipped in Norway.]

    Whether he was a real or merely a mythical personage, Balder was
    worshipped in Norway. On one of the bays of the beautiful Sogne Fiord,
    which penetrates far into the depths of the solemn Norwegian mountains,
    with their sombre pine-forests and their lofty cascades dissolving into
    spray before they reach the dark water of the fiord far below, Balder
    had a great sanctuary. It was called Balder's Grove. A palisade enclosed
    the hallowed ground, and within it stood a spacious temple with the
    images of many gods, but none of them was worshipped with such devotion
    as Balder. So great was the awe with which the heathen regarded the
    place that no man might harm another there, nor steal his cattle, nor
    defile himself with women. But women cared for the images of the gods in
    the temple; they warmed them at the fire, anointed them with oil, and
    dried them with cloths.[260]

    [The legendary death of Balder resembles the legendary death of the
    Persian hero Isfendiyar in the epic of Firdusi.]

    It might be rash to affirm that the romantic figure of Balder was
    nothing but a creation of the mythical fancy, a radiant phantom conjured
    up as by a wizard's wand to glitter for a time against the gloomy
    background of the stern Norwegian landscape. It may be so; yet it is
    also possible that the myth was founded on the tradition of a hero,
    popular and beloved in his lifetime, who long survived in the memory of
    the people, gathering more and more of the marvellous about him as he
    passed from generation to generation of story-tellers. At all events it
    is worth while to observe that a somewhat similar story is told of
    another national hero, who may well have been a real man. In his great
    poem, _The Epic of Kings_, which is founded on Persian traditions, the
    poet Firdusi tells us that in the combat between Rustem and Isfendiyar
    the arrows of the former did no harm to his adversary, "because Zerdusht
    had charmed his body against all dangers, so that it was like unto
    brass." But Simurgh, the bird of God, shewed Rustem the way he should
    follow in order to vanquish his redoubtable foe. He rode after her, and
    they halted not till they came to the sea-shore. There she led him into
    a garden, where grew a tamarisk, tall and strong, and the roots thereof
    were in the ground, but the branches pierced even unto the sky. Then the
    bird of God bade Rustem break from the tree a branch that was long and
    slender, and fashion it into an arrow, and she said, "Only through his
    eyes can Isfendiyar be wounded. If, therefore, thou wouldst slay him,
    direct this arrow unto his forehead, and verily it shall not miss its
    aim." Rustem did as he was bid; and when next he fought with Isfendiyar,
    he shot the arrow at him, and it pierced his eye, and he died. Great was
    the mourning for Isfendiyar. For the space of one year men ceased not to
    lament for him, and for many years they shed bitter tears for that
    arrow, and they said, "The glory of Iran hath been laid low."[261]

    [The myth of Balder was perhaps acted as a magical ceremony. The two
    chief incidents of the myth, namely the pulling of the mistletoe and the
    death and burning of the god, have perhaps their counterparts in popular
    ritual.]

    Whatever may be thought of an historical kernel underlying a mythical
    husk in the legend of Balder, the details of the story suggest that it
    belongs to that class of myths which have been dramatized in ritual, or,
    to put it otherwise, which have been performed as magical ceremonies for
    the sake of producing those natural effects which they describe in
    figurative language. A myth is never so graphic and precise in its
    details as when it is, so to speak, the book of the words which are
    spoken and acted by the performers of the sacred rite. That the Norse
    story of Balder was a myth of this sort will become probable if we can
    prove that ceremonies resembling the incidents in the tale have been
    performed by Norsemen and other European peoples. Now the main incidents
    in the tale are two--first, the pulling of the mistletoe, and second,
    the death and burning of the god; and both of them may perhaps be found
    to have had their counterparts in yearly rites observed, whether
    separately or conjointly, by people in various parts of Europe. These
    rites will be described and discussed in the following chapters. We
    shall begin with the annual festivals of fire and shall reserve the
    pulling of the mistletoe for consideration later on.


    Balder The Beautiful, Vol. I
    ...

    But if at these solemn rites the fire was regularly made of oakwood, it follows that any man who was burned in it as a personification of the tree-spirit could have represented no tree but the oak. The sacred oak was thus burned in duplicate; the wood of the tree was consumed in the fire, and along with it was consumed a living man as a personification of the oak-spirit. The conclusion thus drawn for the European Aryans in general is confirmed in its special application to the Scandinavians by the relation in which amongst them the mistletoe appears to have stood to the burning of the victim in the midsummer fire. We have seen that among Scandinavians it has been customary to gather the mistletoe at midsummer. But so far as appears on the face of this custom, there is nothing to connect it with the midsummer fires in which human victims or effigies of them were burned. Even if the fire, as seems probable, was originally always made with oak-wood, why should it have been necessary to pull the mistletoe? The last link between the midsummer customs of gathering the mistletoe and lighting the bonfires is supplied by Balder’s myth, which can hardly be disjoined from the customs in question. The myth suggests that a vital connexion may once have been believed to subsist between the mistletoe and the human representative of the oak who was burned in the fire. According to the myth, Balder could be killed by nothing in heaven or earth except the mistletoe; and so long as the mistletoe remained on the oak, he was not only immortal but invulnerable. Now, if we suppose that Balder was the oak, the origin of the myth becomes intelligible. The mistletoe was viewed as the seat of life of the oak, and so long as it was uninjured nothing could kill or even wound the oak. The conception of the mistletoe as the seat of life of the oak would naturally be suggested to primitive people by the observation that while the oak is deciduous, the mistletoe which grows on it is evergreen. In winter the sight of its fresh foliage among the bare branches must have been hailed by the worshippers of the tree as a sign that the divine life which had ceased to animate the branches yet survived in the mistletoe, as the heart of a sleeper still beats when his body is motionless. Hence when the god had to be killed—when the sacred tree had to be burnt—it was necessary to begin by breaking off the mistletoe. For so long as the mistletoe remained intact, the oak (so people might think) was invulnerable; all the blows of their knives and axes would glance harmless from its surface. But once tear from the oak its sacred heart—the mistletoe—and the tree nodded to its fall. And when in later times the spirit of the oak came to be represented by a living man, it was logically necessary to suppose that, like the tree he personated, he could neither be killed nor wounded so long as the mistletoe remained uninjured. The pulling of the mistletoe was thus at once the signal and the cause of his death. 18

    On this view the invulnerable Balder is neither more nor less than a personification of a mistletoe-bearing oak. The interpretation is confirmed by what seems to have been an ancient Italian belief, that the mistletoe can be destroyed neither by fire nor water; for if the parasite is thus deemed indestructible, it might easily be supposed to communicate its own indestructibility to the tree on which it grows, so long as the two remain in conjunction. Or, to put the same idea in mythical form, we might tell how the kindly god of the oak had his life securely deposited in the imperishable mistletoe which grew among the branches; how accordingly so long as the mistletoe kept its place there, the deity himself remained invulnerable; and how at last a cunning foe, let into the secret of the god’s invulnerability, tore the mistletoe from the oak, thereby killing the oak-god and afterwards burning his body in a fire which could have made no impression on him so long as the incombustible parasite retained its seat among the boughs. 19

    But since the idea of a being whose life is thus, in a sense, outside himself, must be strange to many readers, and has, indeed, not yet been recognised in its full bearing on primitive superstition, it will be worth while to illustrate it by examples drawn both from story and custom. The result will be to show that, in assuming this idea as the explanation of Balder’s relation to the mistletoe, I assume a principle which is deeply engraved on the mind of primitive man.

    The Golden Bough Chapter 65. Balder and the Mistletoe.
    Balder the Beautiful, Vol. II can be found here..the DjVu works..

    Later,
    -Lyfing
    Last edited by Lyfing; 06-28-2009 at 11:32 PM.

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    I have ran across a few more things pertinent to the contemplation of Balder's Myths..

    It is needless to observe that the prophetic form, in which
    alone a part of the story is preserved, is due to Christian
    and Biblical influence, and especially to the idea of those
    who saw in Balder a type of Christ, who was to come to
    make all things new in a new heaven and a new earth;
    and as Malachi .prophesied that 'the sun of righteousness'
    should 'arise with healing in his wings,' so Balder
    was to come back and all sorrows were to be healed. It
    is important to notice Balder's compulsory delay, as it
    follows from the fact that Balder was not simply the sun,
    but the summer sun, whose return is witnessed by the
    dwellers in the North only after protracted waiting.
    Balder's obscurer brother descends after him to the abode
    of Hell, and leaves it the next morning; and his other
    brother and avenger Vali is of more rapid growth even
    than the Celtic representatives of the sun, since he is
    born in the Halls of the West during the night, and rises
    in the morning to conquer the power of darkness to
    which Balder had succumbed. These less illustrious
    brothers of his have their counterparts in Celtic, not so
    much perhaps in Lug's more obscure incarnations, as in
    Cuchulainn's comrades and rivals, Loegaire and Conall,
    the latter of whom, second only to Cuchulainn himself
    in valour, survived to be the avenger of his death.

    Celtic Heathendom, Pages 535-356
    § 5. The Problem of Priority.

    It lies on the face of the foregoing argument that any one religion may influence any other with which it comes in contact; that as Christism borrowed myths of all kinds from Paganism, so it may pass on myths to less developed systems. Hence a possibility of dispute as to whether a given heathen myth discovered in post-Christian times is or is not borrowed from Christianity.

    Dr. Tylor has shown reason for believing that a deluge-myth was set agoing in Mexico by the early Spanish priests. It may be, then, that in earlier times Christianity was drawn upon here and there in the fashion formerly taken for granted by believers as regards all cases of coincidence between Christian and pagan narrative and practice.

    Obviously such problems are to be solved, if at all, in terms of a posteriori evidence and a priori plausibility. If the historical data leave a given case in doubt, we have to ask ourselves which way the psychological probabilities lie. It is easy to see why the Christists adopted the belief in the Virgin Birth and the solar birthday; and, on the other hand, to see how savages could acquire from missionaries a belief in a punitive deluge. But there are less simple cases, in which a variety of tests must be put as to the relative likelihood of a given myth's passing from A to B or from B to A. And so great still is the effect of the so long unchallenged habit of treating Christianity as "absolute religion" that in the name even of scientific mythology there is a persistent tendency to look for imitations of Christianity in myths that had been held by independent scholarship to be prior to Christian propaganda. The theses of Professors Weber and Lorinser and others in regard to Krishnaism (discussed at length hereinafter) are typical. Putting these theses aside for detailed treatment, we may take up for illustration that maintained in recent years by R. Petersen, L. Wimmer, Professor Bugge, E. R. Meyer, and others, as to a Christian derivation of the Scandinavian myth of Balder. It is not necessary to ask here whether or not anyone of these writers is influenced by a desire to buttress Christianity: it is quite conceivable that all alike may be indifferent to any such result. The point is that they are apparently influenced by the old habit of treating the Christian system as positively non-mythical, and that their theses are always apt to be turned to the account of orthodox belief.

    There is a curious correspondence in the line of argument in the two cases mentioned. As concerning Krishna, so concerning Balder, we are told that "no certain traces are to be found of an actually existing cultus" of the God in early times; the only evidence for the worship being late, though there is early evidence for the myth-name [n1 H. Petersen, Ueber den Gottendienst des Nordens wahrend der Heidenzeit, Ger. trans. 1882, p. 84; E. H. Meyer, Germanische Mythologie, p. 262, cited by W. Nicolson, Myth and Religion, Helsingfors, 1892, p. 103.]. The position is, then, that a little-esteemed Scandinavian deity of old standing could be developed into a highly-esteemed one by grafting on his personality characteristics borrowed from Christism, and this in face of Christist opposition and propaganda. Professor Bugge's general argument is thus summarized [n2 By Mr, Nicolson, as cited, p. 104.]:*

    "While the Balder myth includes in itself the most diverse elements . , . . the main element is Christian. Both in the Elder and the Younger Eddas the elements are Christian or partially Christian. . . . All this fairness and splendour [of Balder's complexion and character] in Professor Bugge's opinion is only a reflection of the Son of God, the 'White Christ as he has been named.. . . As Balder was depicted by an old Icelandic author as purest white in the colour of his body; so in.. . . legendary and medieval descriptions Christ is spoken of as fairest of body, and with golden yellow hair. . .The blind Had [who threw at Balder the fatal mistletoe] is the blind Longinus who drove the spear into our Lord's side. . . . He concludes. , . . that the Balder myth has been influenced by these medieval Christian legends" [of Longinus slaying Christ, etc.], Further, Professor Bugge suggests that Lucifer is the original of Loki; that the swearing of the trees and plants, excepting the mistletoe, not to injure Balder, is derived from the Jewish anti-Christian Gospel of the Middle Ages, the Sepher Toldoth Jeschu, where the trees and bushes swear not to bear Jesus if he be crucified, but where Judas makes a cabbage-stump serve the purpose. And so on.

    Now, it is not disputed that Christian and classic ideas probably affected some of the later aspects of Scandinavian paganism. So long ago, indeed, as 1728, the antiquarian Keysler argued for Christian and scholarly influence in the Voluspa Saga [n3 See E. H, Meyer, Voluspa: Eine Untersuchung, 1889, pp. 1-8. Cp. H. Petersen, as cited, p. 114.]; and the thesis was sustained by Von Schlozer in 1773, and by Adelung in 1797 and later. Such views were overborne for a time by the enthusiasm and nationalism aroused by the Brothers Grimm; but E. H. Meyer, an admirer of the latter, declares himself bound to confess that the earlier and less scholarly inquirers were right, and the learned Jacob Grimm wrong.

    Among recent students some amount of Christian contact before the composition of the Voluspa and other sagas is generally conceded. Thus Professor Rhys holds that the "prophetic" form in which part of the story is preserved is "due to Christian and Biblical influence" [n1 Hibbert Lectures on Celtic Heathendom, 1888, p. 535.]. As regards the theo*logical conceptions associated with Odin, again, Professor Miiller suggested Christian influence a generation ago [n2 Chips from a German Workshop, 1867, ii. 195-6.]; and Dr. Rydberg has shown that certain of the migration myths of the Heimskringla and the Younger Edda belong to the Christian period, and are the work of Latin scholars of the Middle Ages [n3 Teutonic Mythology, Eng. tr. 1889, i. 39, 65, etc.]. Dr. Vigfusson, again, sees a marked Chris*tian colouring in the entire myth [n4 Corpus Poeticum Boreale, 1883, ii. 466.]. But that the main episode in the Balder saga should be an adaptation from an apocryphal Christian legend, and that Balder himself is an adaptation from the White Christ—this is a hypothesis too unplausible to pass without clear evidence. And the more Professor Bugge's theory is examined, the weaker do his evidences seem. Among his incidental conclusions are these: that the funeral pile of Balder is taken from that of Patroklos, in Homer; and that the picture given of the God in Saxo-Grammaticus, which is older than that in the Edda, is derived from Achilles, as regards the item of Balder's. consuming passion for Nanna. Thus we are to suppose that Balder was first shaped after a classical model, and later after a Christian; and this on the score of some very remote or very normal parallels.

    In the hands of Professor Bugge's adherents, the theory is pushed still further. After being vigorously attacked by the German archaeologist Mullenhoff [n5 Deutsche Altertumskunde, Bd. v. 1883.], as by the Anglo*Scandinavian Professor George Stephens [n6 Professor Bugge's Studies in Northern Mythology shortly examined, 1883, pp. 326-345.], and with less emphasis by Dr. Rydberg, it was embraced by E. H. Meyer, Mullenhoff's most distinguished pupil, who contends in his elaborate treatise on the Voluspa that the Saga is a literary adaptation from some current Summa of Christian theology.

    Whereas Bugge had argued with comparative diffidence, that the Balder and Loki story in the Voluspa Saga, heathen in basis, was worked up by a heathen poet, who had heard Christian and classical legends, gathered by the Vikings, E. H. Meyer decides confidently that the poem is rather the work of a Christian priest of the twelfth century belonging to one of the four theological schools set up in Iceland after its Christianization; and that the whole is a literary mysti*fication [n1 Mr. Nicolson (as cited, p. 130) so summarizes Meyer as to make him seem to hold that the saga-poet had a Christian purpose. Meyer really contends that the poem is not a "tendency" writing at all, being unfitted by its Christian ideas to serve Paganism, and by its pagan terminology to serve Christianity (Voluspa, p. 267. Cp. p. 294). Still he speaks of the "entirely Christianized (ganz verchristlichten) Balder and Hoder" (p. 220), and finally designates the poem a Summa Christlicher Theologie (end).], not a genuine reproduction of native myths at all.

    It must be said that such a proposition raises acute sociological difficulties. Unless the priest-poet of the twelfth century were a highly-evolved sceptic, he must have been either a Christian or a Pagan. Now, the existence of an impartial artistic scepticism, as distinct from simple unbelief, in such an environment at that period, is a greater improba*bility than that any of the aspects of the saga should be pagan work. Assume then that he was a believing Christian priest: was ever such a one known to lend new literary attractions to the story of a heathen God, and so to give heathenism the greater glory? The thesis is really exor*bitant: Dr. Meyer's conception of such a "mystification," such a "Ratselgedicht," on the part of a medieval Icelandic priest, is but a substitution of a great difficulty for a small. It is one thing to grant that the slain and beloved Balder of the poetic Edda is a marked aesthetic advance on the Balder of Saxo's “history": it is another thing to explain the literary development in the fashion under notice.

    And here, once more, there is to be charged on the innovating theorists a lack of comprehensiveness of survey. With all his learning, Dr. Meyer takes no account of the Celtic parallels to the Balder myth. Now, as Professor Rhys has shown, just as there is a plausible mythic equation, Gwydion = Woden = Indra [n2 Celtic Heathendom, as cited, pp. 282-304.],

    there is a whole group of parallels between the Celtic Cuchulainn and Balder, besides a number of possible Celtic originals or parallels for the name and character of Loki [n1 Id. pp. 538-542.]. In Professor Rhys's opinion such parallels, so far as they may indicate identities, stand for the body of myth common to the Aryan peoples before their divergence. But against this view there stands the difficulty that Balder does not figure at all prominently in the old Scandinavian worship [n2 H. Petersen, as cited, p. 84.]. So far as names of persons and places show, the chief God of Scandinavian paganism was Thor [n3 Id. pp. 21-71, 76, 83, 87, 90, 94, 111, etc.]; Odin's supremacy and Balder's prestige being alike apparently late literary developments [n4 As to the original cast of Odin, see a very careful essay The Cult of Othin, by H. M. Chadwick (Clay & Sons, 1899).]. Freyr, too, seems to have been the Sun-God alongside of Thor [n5 Petersen, pp. 74-5. Professor Stephens writes: "Even as to Frigg herself, it is certain not only that Frigg and Froya were originally one deity, but also that this Goddess was at first one and the same with the God Fray or Frey, the English Frea" (Professor Bugge's Studies Examined, p. 314).]; and, again, Heimdal in the Edda has many of Balder's charac*teristics [n6 Cp. Rydberg, Teutonic Mythology, Eng. tr. pp. 90-97; 402-7.]; just as, by the common consent of Holtzmann, Bergmann, and Rydberg, the figure of Harbard in the sagas is identical with that of Loki [n7 Id. p. 652.]. For Dr. Meyer, the solution in every case is imitation of Christianity: that is to say, the saga-poet or poets created a whole series of new imaginary figures, duplicating one or two figures in the Christian system. Here again we have blank unveri*similitude. As hitherto understood, myths were never made in that fashion. Far less unlikely is the assumption that, to begin with, there were pagan mythical personages with some of the characteristics under notice, and that these were poetically developed.

    So far as such a problem can be speculated upon from the outside, the solution seems to lie obviously through the theory of Professors Vigfusson and Powell as to the general development of Icelandic literature [n8 See the article on Icelandic Literature in the Encyclopaedia Britannica.]. That theory is that the germinal force which wrought the remarkable poetic

    evolution in Iceland was contact with the Celtic [n1 As to Slavonic influence on Scandinavian mythology, see Bergmann, Le Message de Skirnir et les Dits de Grimnir, Introd.] literary culture of Western Britain and Ireland—a culture resulting from the long-standing Celtic institution of bardism, originally lacking or left rudimentary in Scandinavia. Such a contact could account for many of the mythic parallels noted by Professor Rhys [n2 A Celtic derivation of the Balder myth is suggested by N. M. Petersen, Nordisk Mythologi, pp. 271-282, cited by Nicolson, p. 101.]. Not that the negative evidence against the Balder cultus is conclusive. A Balder myth may conceivably have flourished among a stratum of the northern population that had been conquered by the Thor worshippers; for though Balder names are scarce in Scandinavia they appear to survive in Germany [n3 Grimm, Teutonic Mythology, Eng. tr. ch. xi. On the possible significa*tions of the name see also Simrock, Handbuch der deutschen Mythologie, 6te Aufl. 1887, § 36, p. 89 ff. Cp. Meyer as cited by Nicolson, pp. 133-4.]. And when such parallels exist as Rydberg has shown between the northern mythology and that of the Vedas, we are not entitled to disallow a single figure in the former as a medieval copy from Christianity. But inasmuch as the aesthetic refinement of the Balder story is one of the main grounds of the latter theory [n4 Cp. Nicolson, as cited, p. 139.], the play of the Celtic literary influence is an adequate explanation, whereas the theory of a literary mystification, a Ratselgedicht, is a flout to all psychological probability. The Celtic influence, doubtless, might carry with it concrete Christian elements. But against the whole theory of Christian imitation there stands the difficulty that the alleged coincidences are so remote. Dr. Meyer's phrase, "Summa of Christian theology," is a plain misnomer: what his evidence really suggests is an imitation not of the Christian theology but of the mythology. The theology is never once present. There is no sacrifice, as there is no cross. Balder’s death is not the salvation of men but a sad catastrophe among the Gods; and the sorrow that prevails until his return connects far more obviously with the mourning cults of the pre-Christian Southern world than with the Christist.

    Read as a sun-myth, the story is transparent; as an imitation of Christian theology it is truly a Ratselgedicht. As Professor Rhys has pointed out, the detail that Balder cannot return until all nature weeps for his loss is a very close notation of the fact that the sun "returns" in strength only when the winter frosts thaw in the spring, bedewing the whole earth. As regards the "descent into hell," which Professor Bugge thinks must be of Christian derivation, it is part of the normal sun myth [n1 See hereinafter, Christ and Krishna, Sec. xvi.; Mithraism, § 6. ], and is obscurely present even in that of Apollo. Now, Professor Bugge thinks that the South-Teutonic God-name Fol, which Dr. Rydberg connects with Falr and Balder, is taken from the name Apollo [n2 Citations by Nicolson, pp. 120-1. Cp. Rydberg, p. 464.]: why then should not classic sun-myths also have reached the North [n3 In the ancient description of the temple of Upsala by Adam of Bremen the figure of the God Freyr is said to be represented cum ingenti priapo. This, . . . like the other statues, suggests an image imported from the south. Cp. H. Petersen, as cited, p. 82, and Grimm, Teutonic Mythology, Eng. tr. 1882, i. 104-119.], supposing them not to have been primary?

    Such an item as Balder's funeral pyre, we have seen, Professor Bugge holds to have been suggested by the trans*mitted story of Patroklos and Achilles, this though the pyre is specifically northern. But what of the pyre of the Sun-God Herakles [n4 Robertson Smith, Religion of the Semites, p. 353; and O. Muller, as there cited.]; and what of the primary phenomenon of sunset, which probably gave the motive? Bugge's. theory is that the Christian matter in the myth came through the wandering Vikings. Before even the Vikings, however, Teutons had reached the Graeco-Roman world; and thereby hangs the question whether northern myths may not thus at different times have had an entrance into the lore of the south. All the while, Professor Bugge has never asked the obvious questions, Whence came the late cabbage-stalk story in the Sepher Toldoth Jeschu? and How came the myth of the blind Longinus into Christian lore? Parts of the Sepher are in all probability of late medieval origin.

    As regards the other myth, the name Longinus may very well be evolved from the spear, longche, of John xix. 34; but the soldier does not become blind in any legend before the ninth century [n1 Cp. Professor G. Stephens, Bugge's Studies on Northern Mythology, 1883, as cited, and Nicolson, p. 105.]. How did that myth originate? It is quite conceivable that the medieval Christians should adopt the idea that the soldier who thrust the spear was blind, and had to be guided to the act by others; but on this view the hint had to be given them. Now, though Dr. Rydberg holds that Had or Hoder in the primary form of the Scandinavian myth had not been blind [n2 Teutonic Mythology, Eng. tr. i. 653, note.], it is very credible, on mythological grounds, that the Sun-God should be slain by a blind brother=the Darkness or the Winter; and as the northern story turns in the later form upon the magical character of the mistletoe, we are almost driven to conclude that there was a sun*-slaying myth of some sort to start with. Why else should the mistletoe have been introduced [n3 Cp. Rydberg, p. 655, as to the reasoning involved.]? It does not follow that the Christians got their idea from the Balder story as we now have it; but the obvious presumption is that a pagan myth preceded theirs; and such a myth may have been current among the Irish Celts, who had contacts alike with northern paganism and southern Christianity. In this way, too, might be explained the entrance of the mistletoe into the northern myth. In its earlier form, the death-dealing weapon is the sword Mistiltein [n4 Mullenhoff, Deutsche Altertumskunde, v. i. 56-7.]. This would at once suggest the mistletoe; but then the mistletoe is unknown in Iceland and in Sweden [n5 Nicolson, as cited, p. 125. But cp. Rydberg, p. 656, as to veneration of the mistletoe among the more southerly Teutons.]. A Celto-Britannic origin would seem to be the only solution.

    Again, when Professor Bugge seeks a Christian origin for the weeping of the Mother-Goddess Frigg over the slain Balder, he gives a fair mark for the derision of Professor Stephens [n6 Stephens, as cited, p. 339.]. But, common sense apart, it should be noted that in the pre-Christian cults of Attis, Adonis, and Osiris there are similar phenomena, which do account for the Christian narrative.

    So, finally, with the idea that Christ was fair-haired. Whence came it? Conceivably from golden-haired Apollo; but then why should not the hyper*borean Balder be as fair as the Greek Sun-God Apollo, whose cult was fabled to have come from the hyperboreans [n1 Pausanias, x. 5. Compare the comments of Hermann Muller, Das nor*dische Griechenthum und die urgeschichtliche Bedeutung des nordwestlichen Europas, 1844, p, 447, ff.; and K. Ottfried Muller, The Dorians, bk. ii. c. 4.]? Agni in the Rig-Veda is white, and drives white horses; and Professor Rydberg finds his traits reproduced in Heimdal [n2 Teutonic Mythology, pp. 401-6.]. Why then seek a later source for the whiteness of Balder? And if Balder is an Anglo-Saxon word meaning Lord [n3 Cp, Grimm, i, 220; and Simrock, as cited on p. 123.], why are we to assume that it was never applied to a Teutonic God before Jesus, when we know that the title Lord was given to many pre-Christian Gods, and that it is the probable original meaning of the Scandinavian God-name Freyr [n4 Bergmann, Le Message de Skirmir, pp. 18-22.]? Above all, why should the consuming love of the Sun-God for Nanna be held to need any literary derivation at a late period from Oenone?

    When all is said, the problem of priorities doubtless remains obscure; but enough has been said to show that the confident inference of Christian sources for northern myths which only remotely and in externals compare with the Christian, is thus far a very ill-established and recal*citrant hypothesis. And as the whole Christian legend, in its present terminology, is demonstrably an adaptation of a mass of previous pagan myths, there is in all cases a special ground for doubt as to its being an original for a myth found among a semi-civilized people. The complete justi*fication for such doubt, however, is best to be gathered from a detailed examination of the claim made, as already mentioned, in regard to the myth of Krishna, studied hereinafter.

    Meantime, we have seen reason to insist, as regards every species of mythological problem, on a more compre*hensive study of relations than is hitherto made by any one school. No single clue will lead us through the maze.

    Etymology, astronomy, solarism, the vegetation principle, phallicism, symbolism, the influence of art, the pseudo*historical influence of Evemerism, all play their part in elucidating what it concerns us to elucidate—namely, the religious systems of the world in their mythological aspect. It is too much to hope that so vast a growth can be speedily interpreted with scientific certainty; and many a special research must be made before a decisive co-ordination is. possible. But at co-ordination we must aim; and the effort towards it must be made pari passu with the progress of research, if the latter is not to become unintelligent and sterile.

    Christianity and Mythology, Pages 117-127
    Later,
    -Lyfing
    Last edited by Lyfing; 07-12-2009 at 10:33 PM.

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