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As she takes the helm of the EU’s rotating presidency, Lithuania’s president has a message for her fellow European leaders: beware the Russian bear.
“There is now a decisive time where Russia is trying to persuade the eastern partners of the EU to go closer towards a customs union,” Dalia Grybauskaite said in an interview with the Financial Times. “Because of economic difficulties, Europe is very busy internally . . . This makes it very convenient for some third countries to spread their influence in the east.”
Lithuania is not the first former communist country to take over the EU presidency. Hungary, Poland, the Czech Republic and Slovenia have held the job, which has responsibility for managing Brussels’ Byzantine legislative process.
But the Baltic state of 3m is the first former Soviet republic to take on the highly symbolic role, which gives Vilnius an outsized platform to set Europe’s agenda for the next six months.
Ms Grybauskaite, a Brussels veteran who spent five years as the EU’s budget commissioner, insisted she would not use the EU presidency as a platform to harden European policy towards the Kremlin of President Vladimir Putin.
At the same time, she has made a November summit in Vilnius between the EU and six former Soviet republics – Belarus, Moldova, Ukraine, Georgia, Armenia and Azerbaijan – a centrepiece of her country’s presidency and has already started lobbying her fellow leaders to embrace these “eastern partners”, even though some are accused of slipping towards authoritarianism.
The most awkward debate is likely to be over Ukraine. For nearly two years, the text of a sweeping bilateral agreement – part free-trade deal, part political harmonisation pact – has been awaiting EU signatures.
But a France-led group in western Europe, including Germany, Sweden and the Netherlands, has held up the deal, largely because of the treatment of the opposition leader Yulia Tymoshenko, jailed in 2011 on corruption charges in a case the European Court of Human Rights recently labelled illegal and politically motivated.
Ms Grybauskaite said she believed the hold-up is a mistake and has begun lobbying her counterparts to sign the pact in Vilnius and to push off fights over the rule of law to the ratification process.
“The Tymoshenko case has become a symbol of the human rights situation in Ukraine, the quality of legal reforms, the quality of democracy, selective justice – all of these things are concentrated now in one name,” she said. “Europe needs strategically to make a decision not to be jeopardised by one or two people while these people became symbolic.”
Vilnius is walking a fine line in pushing for a Ukrainian deal by November. Although the EU presidency has diminished in importance since the signing of the 2010 Lisbon treaty, it still plays a vital role in making the EU’s legislative machinery work.
As a result, many Brussels insiders bristle at attempts by national politicians to use the presidency pulpit to advance their own policy agendas. Enda Kenny, the prime minister of Ireland, the outgoing holder of the EU presidency, raised hackles early in his tenure by using the presidency megaphone to advocate for debt relief from bailout lenders.
“It would be a conflict of interest to push only Lithuanian issues,” Ms Grybauskaite acknowledged.
Still, Vilnius has been a constant and energetic thorn in Russia’s side. More than any other EU member, it prodded the European Commission into launching an anti-monopoly case against Gazprom last year amid allegations the Russian gas company was bullying central and eastern European governments into unfair contracts.
There is little sign Ms Grybauskaite will curtail her campaign because of sensitivities in Brussels. Indeed, she warns there are signs the Kremlin may be using Lithuania’s presidency to ramp up its campaign, saying there has been a spike in cyberattacks in Lithuania and signs minority groups are being “artificially activated” by outside forces.
“I of course am not able to say who exactly is making trouble, but trouble is occurring,” she said.
A spokesman for the Russian mission to the EU declined to comment.
Thus far, her bluntness has not been a liability in Brussels. Angela Merkel, Germany’s chancellor, singled her out for praise during fraught EU budget negotiations, sparking speculation she could be in line for a top EU job when her term ends next year.
“I’m not even planning my time any more,” she said of her political plans. “I will be where it is necessary, and mainly where it is necessary is with the Lithuanian people.”
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