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You're whining and slandering again, man. That's not cool. Come face me with facts and reason. Don't be scared, homie.
Oh, look what I found. This from the ICTY, which has the best methodology. You were kind enough to post some of the civilian statistics but you did ignore the ratio of military deaths. Now this is very important. The ratio of Bosniak to Serb military deaths is almost 3 to 1. The civilian ratio is similar. It's roughly 3 to 1 but leaning more towards 4 to 1.
First off, not all the Bosniak civilians were killed by Serbs. You may not know this but Bosnian Croats broke their alliance with the Bosniaks for a time. Bosnian Croats actually had death camps. There is a Swede currently in prison for robbing a bank and killing a police officer who told about his time as a mercenary for the Bosnian Croats in one of these camps. This doesn't mean all the Bosniak civilians were killed in Bosnian Croat camps or most or even a substantial number. I'm simply informing you because you lumped them all on the door step of the Bosnian Serbs. You know of Sbrencia but do you know of Mostar? Does your fake pain extend to Bosniaks killed by Bosnian Croats? Or just those by Bosnian Serbs because you have an agenda? I believe something like 2000 people died at Mostar.
Secondly, the large ratio difference for both military and civilian deaths is indicative of one side having heavy artillery and the other side not. The Serbs had heavy artillery. The Bosniaks did not. Otherwise we would have to believe every Serbian soldier was friggin' Rambo. I'm aware that you're ignorant of military history and so I'll reveal a not so shocking truth about every modern war you may ever read about: the majority of deaths comes from artillery fire. Unfortunately this also includes civilian deaths. I'm not justifying shelling a city/villages. I'm simply pointing out there is a difference between deaths in a combat zone and lining people up to be executed. This is the cause of the lop sided statistics on both civilian and military deaths.
Another issue is that not all military deaths can be seen as combat deaths; the same can be
said about civilians: not all civilian deaths occurred in non-combat situations (comp. Lacina
and Gledish, 2005). Forensic evidence from exhumations indicates that several thousands of
soldiers were murdered outside combat and their bodies found in mass graves; (this was
particularly the case with the fall of Srebrenica in 1995). With regard to civilians, some were
engaged in active combat during the siege of Sarajevo or Mostar, for example. A number of
killed civilians must be as well regarded as collateral damage, thus as unavoidable legible
victims of war. For these reasons, the civilian-military distribution presented here cannot be
taken as a measure of legible versus illegible victims of war. Our distribution is the best
practical approximation of it; i.e. the legible (combat and collateral damage) and illegible
(non-combat and mass violence) victims, but not the precise measure of it itself. The proxy is
proposed in the absence of individual case-by-case data on circumstances of each death; for
some victims we are able to reliably distinguish whether or not they were illegible war
casualties but for many other victims we cannot do that. We often use our proxy in legal
proceeding as a practical replacement of the distribution we are unable to produce.
http://www.icty.org/x/file/About/OTP...per_100201.pdf
Last edited by Colonel Frank Grimes; 03-28-2018 at 02:01 AM.
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