Poland & Pomerania's connections to Northern Europe

[Mingle]

Though its not talked about much, West Slavs from Poland & Pomerania traveled alongside Germanics in their conquests. This makes sense since they were their neighbors. Slavs from these regions traveled with the Vikings to Scandinavia and Britain. Slavs from Pomerania also possibly traveled to America with the Vikings under Leif Erikson (first European to enter America). An English (Anglo-Saxon) ring was also found in Pomerania with English runes indicating that marriage occurred between the two. There were also English charters from the 11th century that had Slavic names. English coins and ornaments dating to the Middle Ages were also discovered in Pomerania.

The historic region of Pomerania, historically a melting pot of Germanic and Slavic cultures, is today divided between Poland and Germany. The Rani were also a Slavic tribe that lived in Pomerania and they are probably related to the North Germanic tribe known as the Rugii/Rugians who also lived in the same part of Pomerania (island of Rügen). Slavic-style houses were also found in Iceland indicating that Pomeranians Slavs traveled to Iceland with the Vikings. Pomeranian graves were also found throughout Denmark, Sweden, and Norway.

Wolin, a Pomeranian trading center, inspired the Viking legends of Jomsborg and Vineta. Pomerania was historically controlled by Scandinavians such as Danes and Swedes as well (in addition to North Germans/Saxons and Slavs obviously). The famous Danish king, Cnut the Great, had a Polish mother. Prince Gottschalk of the Obotrites (Slavic tribe) was taken prisoner by the Saxons (North Germans). When he was released, he was married to Cnut the Great's daughter. There was also a marriage between Sweyn Forkbeard (King of Denmark) and Gunhild (daughter of King Borislav), though this part may be legendary.

Anyways, below are some links regarding detailed info on the topic for those interested.

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Vikings in Poland - an official view

While the lively festivals and performances reconstructing medieval and Viking times, like the one at Wolin in Pomerania, draw nowadays more and more public interest, there has been a striking disinterest of the Polish scholars towards the never scientifically answered question of the Viking impact on Poland in the Early Middle Ages.

Those who dare to look closer today at the Poland’s history and its material heritage from the Viking Age will not accept anymore the official position of the Polish historians saying that there was no Viking Age in Poland.

Despite the significance of the archaeological material unearthed in Poland in the last decades, the historians relentlessly defend the theory of the purely autonomous Slavic foundation of the Polish state in the tenth century. In this way they keep trying to uphold the concept of Poland’s birth based on a legend and keep going against the archaeological evidence.

Thanks to the proliferation and democratization of knowledge that has been brought up by the Internet to everybody’s doorstep, presently any open-minded human being who is willing to explore the knowledge on his own, is no longer completely dependent on doubtful scientific probity and good will of certain professionals to gather and reveal the facts that may not necessarily be in line with the dominant narrative.

That is why, aside of my blog in Polish "Manowce historyków" ("Biases of historians") I would like to propose a series of articles under the heading “Vikings in Poland” dealing with the subject that has always been ignored, evaded or simply rendered null and void by the mainstream of Polish historiography.

Here is a map of Europe in the Viking Age (9th-11th centuries) depicting the main directions of the Viking penetration and their principal settlement concentrations, with the Polish territories including Pomerania marked in a circle (credit: Vikings, Wikipedia).



One may understand the position of the Polish intellectuals of the 19th century who, in their effort to bring Poland back on the map of Europe, looked more for every bright aspect of the Polish statehood history rather than for a scientifically balanced view. One may also acknowledge scientific compromises of the Polish historians in their self-defense position against the Nazi prewar ideology aiming to annihilate the Slavic people.

One may not, however, understand and agree with some of the present-day historians in Poland who sacrifice scientific principles and professional integrity on the altar of Poland’s legendary birth. The “shrine” that once served for vital political purposes in times of Poland’s lost or threatened statehood, in today’s Poland enjoying democracy and peaceful growth, is nothing more than an assemblage of petrified theories with their roots reaching the 12th century tale collected or fabricated by a certain Gallus Anonymus.

Any effort of younger scholars to shed some new light on the ideologically sensitive early medieval period in Poland provokes a scathing reaction of the biggest history authorities, the custodians and guardians of the fossilized “shrine”. When a new, fresh idea, theory or view on the Viking subject appears in public, the guardians or their ardent assistants, being concerned about their academic careers, precipitously communicate: “the matter has already long been thoroughly examined and correctly interpreted by” … and here follows the list of publications admitted to the altar of the Polish official historiography.

Let us skip here the prejudices, pre-judgments and other unscientific considerations that remain behind the official narrative of the absence of an essential Norman component in the foundation of the Polish state. Let’s talk about a scientific approach to the historical facts and archaeological evidence available to the wide public.

Pursuing the spirit of enquiry and skepticism which is indispensable in the scientific method, we shall not accept “the truths established already long time ago” nor shall we be discouraged by the possible imputations of anti-Polish, anti-state or anti-Slavic motives. Quite to the contrary, we should seek the truth for the sake of our better self-understanding, better understanding of others and a better adaptation to the challenges of the contemporary world.

Source: http://pomeranianhistory.blogspot.co...cial-view.html

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The Scandinavians in Poland: a re-evaluation of perceptions of the Vikings

Abstract: The present essay intends to analyse the perceptions of the Vikings in Poland following three levels. The Viking’s representations are first developed under the scope of contemporary Polish history and identity. Then through a quick historiographical and archaeological overview of the geopolitical situation of Viking Ag Poland. Finally, the Vikings are approached through the general imaginary, mostly presented by museum collectors and historical reconstructions in Poland.

Mentioning Poland in a publication dealing with Viking identities, diaspora and reception might be surprising. Even if Western scholars are becoming more acquainted with the Scandinavian presence in some Easter European countries like Russia, Poland is still looked upon as having a poor relation in Viking Age Studies. Poland does not appear in works presenting the Viking Oecumene. The eastern world of the Vikings is seen mainly as the road from the Varangians to the Greeks and the Baltic trade area. Even if the latter is directly connected to Poland through the towns of Wolin and Truso, it is rare to find comment on any link with the early medieval Polish state.

Nevertheless, Polish scholars are not impervious to debates about Viking identities. In 2004, the publication of Viking Rus, a synthesis on the Scandinavian presence in Eastern Europe during the Viking Age, by the Polish archaeologist Duczko moved the enthusiasm of both researchers and a wider audience in Poland. Since then the Vikings have turned into a fashionable subject, now accessible through books, museums, festivals and re-enactment.


This enthusiasm rises new questions for scholars who plan to study the Viking in Poland. We cannot ignore the fat that the historical situation of Poland has been closely tied up with that of other Slavonic countries but it might be interesting to see if the contemporary Polish historiography can be understood apart from the older Soviet historiography. If questions concerning the Viking Age in Russia find their roots in the so-called Norman debate, it is worth testing the hypothesis that Poland might defy this pattern. First we need to present the Normanist controversy in historiography and try to determine the extent to which the Polish historiography was concerned with it. With this broader context established, I will try to present a view of the Scandinavian presence in Poland during the Viking Age based both on historical and archaeological evidence.

Source: http://www.medievalists.net/2012/06/...the-vikings-2/

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Here is another much more detailed article on Pomerania's history: https://timeslipsblog.wordpress.com/...ng-connection/

Lifestyle of early Pomeranians: http://slavicchronicles.com/pomerani...an-chronicles/

[Peterski]

Well, Canute the Great himself was even more Slavic than Germanic in terms of overall ancestry. Because his mother (a Polish princess) and his paternal grandmother (an Obodrite princess) were Slavic.

Although according to R. Prinke, "Świętosława, Sygryda, Gunhilda. The identity of Mieszko I's daughter and her Scandinavian relationships", Canute's mother was daughter of Mieszko and his 2nd wife Oda (rather than his 1st Czech wife, Dobrawa of Bohemia), so she was part German too:

https://www.academia.edu/1045395/%C5..._relationships

^^^ See the genealogical tree on page 12 out of 16.

Poland and Denmark were allies in the 11th century and Polish King Boleslav I supported Canute with soldiers in his invasions of England.

This connection dates back already to Haraldr Gormsson, whose wife was Slavic (Tofa, daughter of Mstivoy of the Obodrites) and who died in exile in Poland:

"(...) The famous Danish chronicler Saxo, in his ‘Danish History’ gives an account of the reign of Harald Bluetooth (...) He also reports that the king, in a period contemporary with the Trelleborg fortresses, based his power on an army composed of ‘Danes and Slavs’. According to a twelfth-century chronicler, the so-called ‘law of the Kings’, retainers became necessary because of the heterogeneous ethnic composition of the royal retinue at the beginning of the eleventh century (for a more detailed review of the sources compare M. Andersen 1982; Damgaard-Sørensen 1991; Dobat 2010). (...)"

Saxo's 'Danish History' is available online in Polish (I could not find English version):

https://sites.google.com/site/margre...saxo/ksiega-08

Harald died in Wolin on 01.11.987. Wolin was Polish since 967 when Mieszko I incorporated Pomerania to Poland (after a victorious battle against forces of the Veleti and Saxon outlaw Wichmann the Elder).

Wolinians were one of Veleti tribes.

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About Slavic toponyms in Vorpommern and Rugen:

https://www.theapricity.com/forum/sh...yms-in-Germany

Slavs from Pomerania also possibly traveled to America with the Vikings under Leif Erikson

Never heard about it. What is your source for this one? According to Vinland Sagas, the total number of Viking settlers in America was only 140-160 (including about 60 warriors). Since all of them were probably from Greenland, first you would need some evidence of Slavic presence in Greenland. So I don't think there were any Slavic people among them. On the other hand there are rumours about Irish explorers also visiting America, but independently, not with the Vikings.

There is also evidence that Slavs migrated from Pomerania to Great Britain during the initial Germanic migration when the ethnogenesis of English people was happening.

Again, I never heard about this one. As far as I know the earliest evidence of Slavic or Polish presence in Great Britain dates back to the 900s-1000s.

David Miliband, in his Warsaw speech on 23 June 2009, said:

"Any British Foreign Secretary visiting Poland is deeply conscious of the history between our two countries. It goes back a long way. Canute the half Polish King of Denmark who, in 1015, invaded England, bringing with him Polish soldiers and his mother, Princess Swietoslawa, who was buried in Winchester castle."

Wikipedia says:

"An inscription in 'Liber vitae of the New Minster and Hyde Abbey Winchester' mentions King Canute as having a sister named 'Santslaue' ('Santslaue soror CNVTI regis nostri'), which without doubt is a Slavic name, and J. Steenstrup suggests this was a rendering of Świętosława. References in medieval chronicles to the involvement of Polish troops in invasions of England are likely related to Canute's Polish ancestry, constituting the earliest evidence of Poles arriving in the country."

And also this:

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Cnut_t...est_of_England

"Among the allies of Denmark was Boleslaw the Brave, the Duke of Poland and a relative to the Danish royal house. He lent some Polish troops."

The Rani were also a Slavic tribe that lived in Pomerania and they are probably related to the North Germanic tribe known as the Rugii/Rugians who also lived in the same part of Pomerania (island of Rügen).

The name of the Slavic Rani might indeed be related to the earlier Rugians, indcating possible assimilation of some "Restgermannen" ("Germanic remnants") by the incoming Slavs during the Late Migration Period.

However, the ancient Rugians mentioned by Roman sources probably did not live in exactly the same place as the later Slavic Rani.

The Rugii rather lived more to the east, in today's Poland, with the exception of Ulmerugians (literally: Island Rugians), who probably lived on the islands of Wolin, Usedom and - indeed - maybe also Rugen.

Pomeranian graves were also found throughout Denmark, Sweden, and Norway.

Also toponyms, ceramics, other items etc. There is genetic evidence too:

http://www.abstractsonline.com/Plan/...4-ddac3db6fc2a

"(...) Notwithstanding Denmark’s homogeneity, we observed a clear signal of Polish admixture in the East of the country, coinciding with historical Polish settlements in the region before the Middle Ages. (...)"

^^^
Note that "before the Middle Ages" = until 1050 AD in Danish chronology.

Early Middle Ages in Danish chronology are years 1050-1200:

Tidlig middelalder (ca. 1050-1200)
Højmiddelalder (1200-1400)
Senmiddelalder (1400-1536)

Obotrites (Slavic tribe of Pomerania)

Obotrites were more to the west, in Mecklenburg and East Holstein.

In Vorpommern lived the Veleti, and to the east of them Kashubians.

There was also a marriage between Sweyn Forkbeard (King of Denmark) and Gunhild (daughter of King Borislav), though this part may be legendary.

No, this part is confirmed by many sources. Gunhild was a Scandinavian name of Swietoslawa, and King Borislav was Boleslaw I of Poland.

But she was not his daughter - she was his sister.

Thietmar also wrote about it in Book VII of his chronicle:

The Chronicle of Thietmar bishop of Merseburg (translated by R. T. Prinke, 2000)

"(...) Because nobody is able to comprehend either the curiosities of that northern land [Denmark], which are unfolded in their prodigious form by nature herself, or the cruel deeds of its people, I will omit them and will only devote a few words to that lizard's brood, that is to the sons of the said Sweyn [Forkbeard], the persecutor. They were born to him by a daughter of duke Mieszko [of Poland] and sister of his son and successor Boleslaw [of Poland]. (...)"

[Mingle]

Very interesting info, thanks for responding.

Never heard about it. What is your source for this one? According to Vinland Sagas, the total number of Viking settlers in America was only 140-160 (including about 60 warriors). Since all of them were probably from Greenland, first you would need some evidence of Slavic presence in Greenland. So I don't think there were any Slavic people among them. On the other hand there are rumours about Irish explorers also visiting America, but independently, not with the Vikings.

Though he is not confirmed to be a Slav, there is a good chance that Tyrker was a Slav.

Tyrker answered in his own language, but when remembering that the Norsemen could not understand him, he spoke, after some time, in their tongue: “I have not gone very far; still I have some news for you. I have discovered vines loaded with grapes.”

If Tyrker was a Germanic, then they should have been able to understand him since Germanic languages back then were not much different. West Germanic shouldn't have sounded like gibberish to them. They also referred to his language as þýrsku which was likely meant Turkic but it could have just been used in reference to any non-Germanic language. There are also theories that he may have been Hungarian or Turkish. But since Tyrker was a knight (there are no mentions of Hungarian or Turkish knights joining North Europeans like there are for Slavs), that meant he was from a Slavic royal family.

Also, vinber was translated as "grapes" but it may have actually been more accurate to translate it to "wineberry" i.e. the mountain cranberry of Poland.

Another quote on him:

“Tyrkir, a ‘Southerner’ in Leif’s crew, wandered off on his own and found vines, from which Leif named the country.”

I don't think he'd have been called a southerner if he was a Germanic. The Slavs shared a border with Jutland and weren't significantly south of the Scandinavians for them to have been called "southerner". Sounds like a term to use when referring to foreigners. I don't think Vikings would have used it for other Germanics.

His name is not either of Germanic origin. The theory of his name being from Slavic origin states that Tyrker is the Germanic pronunciation of the Slavic name Tyrko or Tvrtko.

Anyways, that's why I said they were "possibly" part of the crew that traveled to America/Greenland.

This is where I got the info from: http://slavicchronicles.com/history/...among-vikings/

Again, I never heard about this one. As far as I know the earliest evidence of Slavic or Polish presence in Great Britain dates back to the 900s-1000s.

This was my mistake in not thoroughly reading the source or checking the dates. There were Vandals that came to England during the Germanic migration that led to the English ethnogenesis, and some sources consider them to be Slavs.

Its argued that the Vandals and Wends were the same people. I got the information from Google Books, but this seems like a more thorough and informative source: http://www.wilcuma.org.uk/who-are-th...onic-settlers/

So yeah, technically they were Vandals (Germanic tribal confederation) and not Slavs. I edited out the part about Slavs entering Britain during the Germanic migration in my original post.

By the way, how sound are the theories that the Vandals were Slavic? Its generally accepted they were Germanic but I haven't looked into the subject in depth myself.

Also toponyms, ceramics, other items etc. There is genetic evidence too:

http://www.abstractsonline.com/Plan/...4-ddac3db6fc2a

"(...) Notwithstanding Denmark’s homogeneity, we observed a clear signal of Polish admixture in the East of the country, coinciding with historical Polish settlements in the region before the Middle Ages. (...)"

Ultimogeniture (youngest son inheritance) may have also come from the Slavs to the Saxons and the English.

[Mingle]

Abstract

The article analyses the history of the Scottish settlement in Chełmno (Culm), one of the most important centres of Roman Catholicism in Royal Prussia (province of the Kingdom of Poland). An attempt is made to establish the size of this colony and describe their economic, spiritual, cultural and social activities. The participation of the Scots and their descendants in the local government and guilds, as well as their contribution to the local parish and the Catholic Church as a whole are also discussed.

Interesting Parts

This Culm is very ancient and hath been of great account in former tymes, which may appear by its giving name to all that district; and the common law, which is observed throughout all Prussia, is ordinarily called Culmish law. It was fortifyed by the […] wi […] with a very strong brick wall of a large circumference. It is but meanly inhabited, and slenderly builded; only about the market place ar some very faire houses, with wealthy indwellers. … It is under the jurisdiction of a bishop, who hath his title from it, and resideth in a towne abouth 15 miles from thence, called Libava. It hath its owne magistrates and peculiar lawes and very great and ancient priviledges. … It hath within the towne 3 monasteryes, a Dominican, Franciscan, and of Votaresses, and a large cathedrall.

Around 1400, English merchants established there a staple and constructed two stores. The first of them, taken over at a later stage by the City Council, was in use until 1779. According to Schultz, the Englishmen imported cloth and exported grain, flour, wood, tar, pitch, ashes and other raw materials.

It seems that it was not until early 1600s that some Scots decided to settle in Chełmno. This influx was not fortuitous, but rather was part of a larger Scottish mercantile expansion to the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth that started in earnest at the end of the sixteenth century and continued well into the second half of the seventeenth century. The position of the city on the main trade route between Toruń and Gdańsk meant that it was regularly visited by the ever mobile Scottish traders and travellers. The decision of the local bishop, Jan Małachowski, to increase city’s depleted population, by declaring in 1678 freedom of religion for the Protestants, may have also attracted some Scots.

As the data shows, the Scottish names appear in greater number only in the last decades of the seventeenth century and the first three decades of the eighteenth century. This is not necessarily connected to the fact that the records for the first half of the seventeenth century are scarce. One of the most important surviving documents of this period, the register of the contributors to the 1651 tithe for Charles II (imposed on all Scots and Englishmen residing in the Kingdom of Poland), indicates that at this time the Scottish community in Chełmno was reasonably small.

These examples and numerous other records from the local parish confirm observations made about Scottish communities in other Polish cities: the Scots often married their compatriots and were present as godparents at each another’s christenings, often reinforcing the bonds of kinship. What distinguishes the Scots of Chełmno, however, is the fact that non-Scottish names among the spouses, godparents and witnesses appear more readily than in records of Scottish Protestants, where first-generation Scots seldom intermarried with people of other ethnic origins and where the integration was not so rapid. Nevertheless, as some of the documents and artefacts show, maintaining customs, as well as organised and informal links with compatriots, was an important aspect of the Scottish ethnic identity. There is also no doubt that when assimilation into Polish society occurred, the offspring of the immigrants seemed to be well aware of their origins.

Overall, it can be said that the Scots and their descendants in Chełmno shared several characteristic. Firstly, they seemed to be highly successful in building up their businesses and wealth. Virtually within a generation many were able to amass considerable capital and improve their social standing. Secondly, by and large, they involved themselves in the administrative and spiritual life of the city. A large number were represented on the council and took important offices within it. The Scots became well respected for their organisational skills and work ethic. Many decided to educate their offspring at the Chełmno Academy – between 1692 and 1815 some 60 pupils of Scottish descent enrolled in that college.

Although it is uncertain if prior to their arrival in Chełmno all of the Scots were Roman Catholics, it is evident that once there, they staunchly supported the doctrine and practices of the Catholic Church. The Scots and their descendants not only actively participated in the life of the local parish, various religious organisations like the Confraternity of Divine Providence or the Brotherhood of the Holy Trinity, gave financial backing to a diverse range of charitable projects, but also encouraged their sons and daughters towards religious life.

Conclusion

The Scottish community in Chełmno was in many respects similar to other Scottish settlements in Poland-Lithuania. The colony was formed in the early seventeenth century and, thanks to the available commercial opportunities, it grew steadily into the next century. Although it is impossible to establish precisely how many migrants resided in the city at any given moment, the research concluded that in the 1680s–1690s the group consisted of some ten families, that is about 30–50 first- and second-generation Scots. It appears that, like elsewhere, the makeup of the group was subject to change over time. In the early seventeenth century, the Scots stayed in Chełmno only temporarily. Gradually, however, especially towards the last quarter of the seventeenth century, some have established their businesses and formed family units. As the example of the Forbes and Smith families demonstrates, the established Scots brought new immigrants from Scotland, more often than not their own kin. Moreover, such more industrious merchants were able not only to amass a considerable wealth and obtain civic rights but steadily worked their way up into the local government and guilds. Members of several families like the Forbes, Chatters or Smith not only occupied the highest offices in the city, but played a significant role in the administration of Chełmno. All the more, some Scots have managed to capture the attention of the Royal Court and, in recognition of their commercial ingenuity and success were elevated to the rank of royal secretaries.

What made this community distinct from any other Scottish settlement in Poland-Lithuania was the fact that it was dominated by Roman Catholics. While it is impossible to determine whether the Scots who arrived there were originally of that conviction, there is also no evidence of forced conversions. The documents demonstrate that the Chełmno Scots made a significant contribution to the local parish and the Catholic Church as a whole. They supported the church both financially, through collections, donations and bequests, and spiritually, by participating in religious confraternities and other organisations. What is more, the devout Scots encouraged their sons and daughters to serve the church as priests and nuns.

Unlike their compatriots of Protestant faith who settled in other cities in Royal Prussia, the Chełmno Scots assimilated much quicker within the local community. This is especially evident in the rate of mixed marriages and a larger presence of locals in religious ceremonies as witnesses or godparents. This assimilation did not stop the offspring of the immigrants to remain aware of their ethnic identity.

What set this community apart from any other Scottish settlement, perhaps with the exception of the colony in Kėdainiai (Kiejdany), was the fact that it peaked both numerically and economically in the last decades of the seventeenth and the first half of the eighteenth centuries, so a period when the other communities were well into their decline.

Overall, the Chełmno Scots played a significant role in the life of the city in the seventeenth and the eighteenth centuries. They not only actively participated in improving its economic situation but added much to its political and cultural development.

http://journals.pan.pl/Content/10066...5%201Bajer.pdf

[Ülev]

Cod fish- german Dorsh, polish Dorsz (pronounced dorsh), Czech, Slovak, Russian, Ukrainian - Treska, south Slavic - Bakalar

yes, Pomerania & Germanics - one family, nothing Slavic here

[Peterski]

Connections of Iron Age Poland to Iron Age Jutland:

https://www.theapricity.com/forum/sh...-to-IA-Jutland

Some of Iron Age Poles were autosomally like Iron Age Jutland:

http://www.actabp.pl/#Archiwum?./supl/2_2018.html



^^^ I guess it explains Denmark in my DNA Tribes results?:

Increased mobility in Iron Age Europe:

http://www.pnas.org/content/pnas/114...3/F4.large.jpg



"We also infer that this Holocene rise in mobility occurred in at least three distinct stages: the first centering on the well-known population expansion at the beginning of the Neolithic, and the second and third centering on the beginning of the Bronze Age and the late Iron Age, respectively. These findings suggest a strong link between technological change and human mobility in Holocene Western Eurasia and demonstrate the utility of this framework for exploring changes in mobility through space and time."

Links:

http://www.pnas.org/content/114/46/12213

https://www.gnxp.com/WordPress/2018/09/22/t..._medium=twitter

[Ülev]

Cod fish- german Dorsh, polish Dorsz (pronounced dorsh), Czech, Slovak, Russian, Ukrainian - Treska, south Slavic - Bakalar

yes, Pomerania & Germanics - one family, nothing Slavic here

was fish, now bird

seagull - Polish mewa, German - die Möwe, Dutch - meeuw, East Slavic - chayka/чайка (Slovakia use that word too), South Slavic - galeb

Poles - Slavicized Germans

[Peterski]

seagull - Polish mewa, German - die Möwe, Dutch - meeuw

Stefan Mewa:

Spoiler!

[Ülev]

Stefan Mewa:

Spoiler!

noble person, a Russian Mongol

[Ülev]

today on NDR (16-17:30)

Von Stettin bis Danzig

Land zwischen Oder und Newa

https://www.ndr.de/fernsehen/Von-Ste...ung756942.html