How the Rus’ Embraced Christianity (Part I): Clash of Civilizations

Source: http://www.darksideofhistory.com/geo...civilizations/



Introduction

The Christianization of Kievan Rus’, Russia’s cultural ancestor and medieval forerunner, is usually associated with the conversion of Grand Prince Vladimir the Great to the Byzantine Rite (i.e. Orthodox Christianity) in 988. Vladimir was baptized in Cherson in that year, after which he returned to Kiev and made Christianity the official religion of the Rus’ state. Therefore, the year 988 is traditionally regarded as the date of the baptism of Rus’. In reality, however, the Christianization of the Rus’ country was a long and intricate process which began more than a century before Vladimir was even born and continued for decades and even centuries after his death.

Primary Sources and Traditional Accounts

Most primary sources relating to the early Christianization of Kievan Rus’ (that is, before Vladimir’s conversion) give contradictory accounts that cause diverging opinions among historians even today. Because of this, it is excruciatingly difficult to ascertain when, how and by whom Christianity was first brought to the lands of Rus’, how the new faith was received and how it evolved. The Rus’ officially “entered” history after their ruthless attack on Constantinople in 860, from then onwards appearing frequently in Byzantine documents and texts. Arabic sources also mention the Rus’ starting with the 9th century, providing some important hints concerning early Rus’ Christianity.


The Theotokos of Kholm, an 11th century icon of Kievan Rus’

The 12th century Tale of Bygone Years, a history of Kievan Rus’ from around 850 to 1110, is the first “indigenous” Rus’ chronicle. However, the Tale of Bygone Years incorporates earlier Slavonic documents that are now lost, as well as various Byzantine texts dating back as far as the 9th century. The problem with the Tale of Bygone Years is that it contains little reliable information regarding Christianity in the Rus’ state prior Vladimir’s conversion, while other primary sources fail to corroborate or outright contradict various other accounts from the chronicle. Regardless, it is beyond doubt that the process of Christianization began in the 9th century.

At the time of Vladimir’s conversion and the subsequent mass baptism of the Rus’ people, Christianity was already entrenched in some areas of Kievan Rus’. For example, Vladimir’s grandmother Olga, who died in 969, was a Christian herself, while the Tale of Bygone Years, among other sources, indicate that a church dedicated to Saint Elijah stood in the city of Kiev in 944, more than 50 years before Vladimir adopted Christianity. However, the first churches in the lands of the Rus’ were built even earlier, either in the 860s or the 880s, immediately after the Rus’ violently established contact with Byzantium.

Two Worlds Collide

Patriarch Photius of Constantinople praised the Rus’ in an encyclical (dated 867) to the patriarchs of Alexandria, Jerusalem and Antioch, writing that “even now they [the Rus’] are abandoning their heathen faith and are converting to Christianity”. He also stated that the Rus’ are “receiving from us bishops and pastors as well as all Christian customs”, making it fairly clear that the process of Christianization was already underway in the Rus’ state. Photius also happens to be the first who mentioned the Rus’ in Byzantine sources, although he initially cast a much more negative light on them, describing them as “an obscure nation, a nation of no account, a nation of slaves, … barbarous, nomadic, armed with arrogance, unwatched, unchallenged, leaderless.”


Saint Photius the Great

The patriarch also spoke of “the inhumanity of the barbarous tribe, the harshness of its manners and the savagery of its character”, which is understandable given the circumstances in which Photius – and Byzantium as a whole – came into contact with the Rus’. It was on June 18, 860, that two hundred Rus’ warships appeared out of nowhere in the Sea of Marmara, sailed into the Bosporus and laid siege to the Constantinople. The timing could not have been worse for the Byzantines, as they were in the midst of an intense military campaign against the Abbasids.

Emperor Michael III was on the empire’s eastern frontier with most of the Imperial Army. Even the troops that were normally stationed around the capital were deployed in Syria and Anatolia, while the mighty Imperial fleet was engaged in the Aegean. This left the Black Sea, the Sea of Marmara, the Bosporus and the Golden Horn virtually undefended, allowing the Rus’ to destroy everything in their path. Many towns and villages were plundered and destroyed, including the suburbs of Constantinople.


Ready for the Campaign, a painting by Nicholas Roerich

Monasteries and churches were looted and desecrated, the entire countryside was laid to waste, livestock was butchered and the population slaughtered regardless of age, sex or social status. Only those within Constantinople’s impenetrable walls were safe, but deeply affected by the sight of the onslaught. Photius was one of the many helpless witnesses to the Rus’ atrocities, and the first to describe this event. Although he wrote at length about the damage caused by the invaders and the terror of the population, he left out many important details, such as the reason for the attack or how the Rus’ were repelled.

Divine Intervention and Early Conversion

According to Orthodox tradition, Emperor Michael III made a swift return to Constantinople, but instead of engaging the Rus’ in combat, he spent the entire night in fervent prayer at the church of the Mother of God at Blachernae. Several important relics were kept in that church, the Robe of the Mother of God being the most sacred one. Patriarch Photius joined the emperor in prayer and together they decided to carry the Robe in a solemn procession along the walls of Constantinople, in hope of a miracle. After an all-night vigil, the two did just that and dipped the edge of the holy Robe into the calm waters of the Bosporus. A great tempest arose in the sea and wrecked the Rus’ armada. “…few escaped such destruction and returned to their native land.”


Patriarch Photius dipping the Robe of the Mother of God into the waters of Bosporus. 17th century fresco from the Knyaginin Monastery in Vladimir, Russia.

George Hamartolus, whose work would later be incorporated in the Tale of Bygone Years, Leo Grammatikos, Symeon the Metaphrast and other Byzantine erudites have recorded this miraculous event. Whether a storm broke out and wrecked the Rus’ fleet or the Rus’ simply fled because Michael III returned with the Imperial Army remains unknown. Who led the Rus’ attack is also unknown, for Photius failed to mention any Rus’ by name. According to the Tale of Bygone Years and the later Nikon Chronicle, Askold and Dir, the two semi-legendary rulers of Kiev, were the ones who led the assault. Askold and Dir might or might not have ruled jointly and they might or might not have been a single person: Askold(i) Dir might have been misinterpreted and misspelled as Aksold i Dir, “i” meaning “and”.

Adding to the confusion surrounding Askold and Dir is the fact that no Byzantine source ever mentioned them. Regardless of their involvement in the attack, a Rus’ delegation was dispatched from Kiev to Constantinople in the same year, probably by the obscure Kievan duo. Theophanes Continuatus recorded the event, stating that the Rus’ emissaries received baptism on the occasion and added that a few years later, Emperor Basil I convinced many of the Rus’ “to receive salutary baptism.” Basil I’s grandson, Constantine VII Porphyrogenitus (reigned 913-959) attributed the Christianization of the Rus’ to his grandfather and to Patriarch Ignatius who dispatched an archbishop to Kiev in 874. This information is not entirely trustworthy, since Basil I assassinated Michael III in 867 and had Photius replaced with Ignatius.


Askold and Dir in the Radziwiłł Chronicle.

By ascribing the achievements of Michael III and Photius to Basil I, Constantine VII sought to add more prestige and legitimacy to his ancestor and the dynasty he had established, while discrediting the previous emperor and his patriarch. Of note is that Constantine VII claimed that the Rus’ abandoned their pagan ways after witnessing a miracle performed by one of the prelates sent to their lands: a Bible was thrown in a furnace without being consumed by the flames. Despite the ambiguity of this information, Basil I and Ignatius definitely continued the process of converting the Rus’, but this process undeniably began with Photius immediately after the attack of 860, as attested by the patriarch’s own writings.

Significance

What is also undeniable is that the Rus’ attack on Constantinople was a major historical event which marked a turning point in Kievan Rus’ history by effectively ending its isolation and opening up the way in Byzantine-Rus’ relations. This paved the road for the Christianization of the Rus’ and ensured its end as a fully independent nation, for no matter how independent their rulers may have been in practice, as followers of the Byzantine Rite they were subjects of Constantinople. For this reason, of which the Byzantines were fully aware, the devastating Rus’ attack was viewed as a Byzantine victory – it was.


The miracle of the Gospel

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How the Rus’ Embraced Christianity (Part II): The First Christians

Source: http://www.darksideofhistory.com/geo...st-christians/



The First Christians in Rus’

The first Rus’ rulers who came under Byzantine influence and adopted Christianity were none other than Askold and Dir, the duo which (supposedly) led the infamous assault on Constantinople. However, Kievan Rus’ was not a unified state during their lifetime, so their power was limited, perhaps only to Kiev, a city whose origins are as obscure as those of Askold and Dir. One theory, for example, stipulates that the city was founded as a trading outpost by the Khazars during the 8th century. The Khazars were already extracting tribute from the Rus’ since before that time, for Khazaria was the greatest power in the region.


Askold and Dir mosaic pieces in the Zoloti Vorota Kiev Metro station.

Kiev’s geostrategic location on the Dnieper River made the city increasingly more important as commercial activity on the historical trade route “from the Varangians to the Greeks” became more intense. As a result, many different people of different ethnicity, tongue and faith settled in the city and by the 860s it appears that the Rus’ became the dominant group, since Askold and Dir were ruling over it. In a way, Kiev reflected the whole of Kievan Rus’ – a country that was never homogenous, but multi-ethnic, multi-lingual and multi-confessional, even though the East Slavs comprised the largest, single ethnic and cultural group in those lands from the very beginning.

Because of this, there are a lot of controversies and heated debates – usually with not-so-subtle political undertones – surrounding the identity and origins of the Rus’ nation; the eternal Normanist controversy, for example, insists on the Scandinavian/Varangian origin and identity of the Rus’, while Slavic nationalists are striving to diminish the role of the Varangians in the history of Kievan Rus’. There certainly was a significant Varangian presence in the country and the ruling elite was initially of Scandinavian extraction, but in the course of a few generations the indigenous Slavic population assimilated whatever Varangians settled in their lands. Henceforth, the term Rus’ started designating the entire population of Kievan Rus’, the majority of which was East Slavic. As the Tale of Bygone Years puts it, “the Varangians, Slavs and others” who followed Oleg “were called Rus’.”


Guests from Overseas (1901), a Nicholas Roerich painting depicting Varangians on the Dnieper River.

It is important to point this out because Christianity was first made visible in the Rus’ country by converts of all ethnicities, not just Slavic, but also Scandinavian, Khazar and so on. The Khazars might have even played a more prominent role in the introduction and diffusion of Christianity in Kievan Rus’ then they are given credit for. In the early 860s, not long after the Rus’ siege of Constantinople, the Khazar Khagan asked Emperor Michael III to dispatch a theological delegation to his court in order to explain Christianity to him and his people. At that time, Khazaria was religiously divided: the old shamanistic ways were abandoned in favor of monotheistic faiths.

Religion in Khazaria

Both Muslim and Jewish missionaries were active across Khazaria and the Khagan himself converted to Judaism. Many of his subjects followed his example, while others adopted Islam and, to a lesser degree, Christianity. In these circumstances, the Khagan might have looked for a means to consolidate his rule and prevent the fragmentation of his realm along religious lines. His own conversion to Judaism hints to his motives, being more of a political move than the outcome of a personal change in beliefs and religious identity: by converting to Judaism, the Khagan sought to counterbalance the growing (political) Islamic and Byzantine influences in Khazaria.


Artist’s impression of Atil, the capital of Khazars.

The Khazars, however, were on much better terms with the Byzantines than the Muslims, the former being their allies and the latter their enemies. In fact, the Khazars have previously formed military and dynastic alliances with Constantinople only because the Muslims were their common enemy. This could explain why the Khagan asked the Byzantines for a theological delegation: adopting Orthodox Christianity as the state religion of Khazaria would have cemented a solemn alliance with Constantinople, neutralizing the Islamic influence in the region. On the other hand, this would have subjugated Khazaria to the Byzantine Emperor.

Nevertheless, Michael III and Patriarch Photius honored the Khagan’s request and sent the brothers Cyril and Methodius to his court. The principles and tenets of Orthodox Christianity were explained and taught to the Khazars. The concepts and doctrines of the Holy Trinity and the Incarnation were thoroughly analyzed and defended with passages from the Old and New Testament which spoke of God as Creator, Logos and Spirit. Christianity, its teachings and its ethics were compared with Jewish and Muslim beliefs and morals. Following these public theological debates, over two hundred Khazars requested to receive baptism and possibly many others converted after Cyril and Methodius departed.


Saints Cyril and Methodius in the Radziwiłł Chronicle.

Given that large territories of Kievan Rus’ were either under the Khazars’ direct control or under their sphere of influence, the possibility of Christianity being first introduced to the Rus’ by the Khazars seems quite strong. Kiev itself was, as it was pointed out already, strongly associated with the Khazars since its very foundation. In other words, the first Christians in Kiev and, in a larger context, in the Rus’ country might have been Khazar converts. If this was the case, then Patriarch Photius unknowingly succeeded in establishing a Christian community in Kiev a few years before actively undertaking this task.


The Khazar Khaganate in the 9th century; its core is outlined in dark blue and its sphere of influence in purple.

Byzantine Geopolitics

If there was a Christian community in Kiev, no matter how small, Askold and Dir must have been familiar with it, at least to some degree. Furthermore, when they converted, most likely around 867 when Photius sent “bishops and pastors” to Kiev, Askold and Dir won great prestige with the local Christians and found new supporters among their ranks. Askold and Dir also had their retainers baptized, a common practice during medieval times meant to ensure loyalty. How well these fresh converts understood Christianity or how diligent they were in following its tenets is irrelevant; the only thing that mattered was that Kiev was now ruled by a Christian elite.


The extent of Askold and Dir’s realm.

What motivated Askold and Dir to accept Christianity is unknown. Perhaps it was nothing but a mere formality, an act of diplomacy or one of the conditions of the peace concluded with Byzantium after the attack on Constantinople. The Byzantines might have also persuaded Askold and Dir with promises and gifts. Theophanes Continuatus mentions that the Rus’ were encouraged to embrace the Orthodox faith with “crafty words” and “rich presents”, including silver and gold. For many of the Rus’ these gifts were more than enough and many others must have requested baptism on account of its rewards. As for the Byzantines, it was in all their interests to Christianize the Rus’.

The Byzantines were great geopolitical thinkers: whenever they encountered a new enemy, their first response was always a diplomatic one. Efforts were made to persuade the enemy, to dissuade the attack, to instigate a third party to intervene, to foment unrest among the enemy’s ranks, and so on. The Byzantines usually went to war only when diplomacy failed and even then they were reluctant to destroy their enemies, preferring a containment strategy instead. Not only did this preserve the Byzantines’ strength and resources, but it also allowed them to transform their enemies into allies or puppets. When their enemies were pagan this was achieved through Christianization. It was all part of the grand strategy of the Byzantine Empire.


Emperor Michael III receiving a message; illustration from the History of John Skylitzes.

The Christianization of the Rus’ in the 9th century took place in larger geopolitical context: at the same time, the Byzantines sought to convert the neighboring Balkan Slavs and the Bulgars, and also the Moravians. Conversion did not necessarily mean that hostilities would end overnight – it was a long-term process which aimed at transforming the Christianized countries into buffer states, Byzantine satellites and members of the Byzantine Commonwealth. This was done chiefly through the influence of the Ecumenical Patriarch of Constantinople who was appointed by the Emperor and had authority over the local prelates.

This authority was exploited by Byzantine diplomacy countless times to defuse tensions, secure military assistance or outright pit the local rulers against the enemies of the empire. Also of note is that conversion brought with itself a moral obligation to aid the Byzantines – their spiritual overlords – and a “religious inhibition” against waging war on them. For all these reasons and more, the Byzantines went to great lengths to Christianize their (potential) enemies and bring them under Constantinople’s sphere of influence. Of all the nations that had been converted, the Rus’ ultimately proved to be Byzantium’s greatest success.


Boris I of Bulgaria with Cyril and Methodius.