Andalusians

[Zuh]

I like andalusians i see them so much connection with Mexico even though my spanish side turn out to be most Castillan.

[alnortedelsur]

Then I guess Spanish can easily pass off as Danes even more. It's due to the hair color they don't pass 100% as Danes

Not really. Spaniards have their own vibe/facial features. If these two guys look Danish to you, is because of their very light pigmentation. That might help them to reasonably pass in Denmark, but they still have Spanish faces, not Danish faces.

[Nomansman]

Not really. Spaniards have their own vibe/facial features. If these two guys look Danish to you, is because of their very light pigmentation. That might help them to reasonably pass in Denmark, but they still have Spanish faces, not Danish faces.

But they kind of actually do look danish as well facial feautures. Its not like danes have one types of danish looks. Apparently not all danes look like exactly vikings. SOme are slightly darker, some would resemble slightly more other euros, despite being fully danish. But im probably wrong though.

But anyway, its not like spanish people are alien to danish people autosomally, so its no wonder that a good couple of spanish people can easily pass as danes.

[Gallop]

These guys kind of look danish

They are humorists and when nobody knew them they pretended to be Americans who sang flamenco in English, at first everyone believed it and took the joke with humor and they had great success in their variety.

[Nomansman]

They are humorists and when nobody knew them they pretended to be Americans who sang flamenco in English, at first everyone believed it and took the joke with humor and they had great success in their variety.

TBH, they look more english than danish, but could be a mix between both groups

[Gallop]

Some young Andalusian promises













A farewell of a choir to his teacher with the performance of a show that they wanted to perform.

[Gallop]

LA REPOBLACIÓN DE ANDALUCÍA
THE REPOBLATION OF ANDALUSIA
https://www.colmich.edu.mx/relacione...lezJimenez.pdf


M a n u el G onzález Jiménez
UNIVERSIDAD DE SEVILLA

The repopulation was a habitual practice in the Iberian Peninsula during all the Average Age. Until the
11th century, it was developed over a wide barren or semi-populated territorial strip, located from the
Mediterranean to the Atlantic, as a border between Christian Spain and Al-Andalus. Since the mid-eleventh century,
the repopulation is a forced consequence of territorial advances
carried out by the different Christian political formations at the expense
of the muslims. In short, it was about populating abandoned or defectively populated lands, or consolidating, through the massive arrival of Christian settlers, the occupation of
the newly conquered lands to Islam. Both formulas had
place in Andalusia during the final centuries of the Middle Ages.


The conquest of the territory that we properly call Andalusia
-Current provinces of Jaén, Córdoba, Sevilla, Huelva and Cádiz, geographically belonging to the Guadalquivir Valley- was conquered for the most part during the thirteenth century. This was a result, in
good measure of the political crisis that affected the Almohad Empire
after the defeat of the Navas de Tolosa (1212), which allowed everyone
the Christian kingdoms that had border with Al-Andalus (Aragon,
Castilla, León and Portugal) develop and, in most cases,
finalize the reconquest of the territories that in previous deals
They had self-attributed. In the specific case of Castilla, this process
it was carried out in its first phase by Fernando m (1217-1252),
which was also king of León since 1230, in a series of campaigns initiated around 1225 that would culminate in 1248 with the conquest of Seville.
In the time of Alfonso x (1252-1284), the incorporation into Castilla of the entire Guadalquivir valley was completed through the
conquest of the kingdom of Mist (1262), the bay of Cádiz and everything
the sector closest to the Strait of Gibraltar agglutinated around
Jerez (1264-1266).

During the later reigns the conquest of the
Betic geographical space with the conquest of the important squares
de Estrecho -Tarifa (1292), Gibraltar (1309 for the first time; 1462
definitely), Algeciras (1344) - and some others like Olvera
(1327), Alcalá la Real (1342), Antequera (1410) and Archidona (1462).

THE REPOPULATION OF THE CENTURY Xlll

Phases and modalities

Although, as we shall see, the repopulation activity extended beyond the Middle Ages, the twentieth century was undoubtedly its peak. Within this initiated process, like the conquests, around 1230, two phases or moments can be indicated: an initial one that
it arrives until 1264, during which the repopulation was compatible with the permanence in the region of masses of Moors submitted (MudeJares) under the capitulations granted by Fernando III to those places that did not resist: the Castilian advance. Such pacts guaranteed Muslims to remain on their land while retaining ownership of their property, their laws, religion and organizational system and the same tax regime of the Almohad era. The
Mudejar population was majority in the countryside, although exceptionally it survived in some medium-sized cities. Very different was the case of the large cities and district headwaters (Baeza, Ubeda, Jaén, Córdoba and Seville itself) that were submitted after a more or less prolonged siege. The laws of war of the time imposed in these cases mass expulsion
of the Muslim population that was forced to undertake, carrying only their personal property, a rosary of exiles whose final destination was the kingdom of Granada or North Africa. It was in the places thus conquered that Christian repopulationists would concentrate mostly.
The revolt of the Andalusian and Murcian Mudejars in the spring of 1264 put a dramatic end to this experiment of a system - which with all the reservations of the case could be called, using words of R.I. Burns, "colonial" - based on exploitation of the benefits of war through the military, political and fiscal control of the submitted Muslim population. The revolt, which had been encouraged and supported by the Grenadians, had once submitted the Mudejar, a double result: the expulsion or departure of most Muslims, who, from this moment, would be reduced to an almost residual minority, and the acceleration of the process of Castilianization initiated selectively in the previous stage .

The land deals

Every repopulation process is, in the end, a form of appropriation of a space by a society. In times well before the xill century, this appropriation was very spontaneous. In the case of Andalusia, as before Toledo, the repopulation - and the other concomitant processes: granting of privileges, land distribution, creation of manors, etc. - was well controlled by the Crown and had very little spontaneity, although it cannot be ruled out either. at all, especially in some marginal areas of the territory. The most striking aspect of this process was undoubtedly the massive distribution of land, houses and other real estate with which the monarchs - and, in their lordships, the lords - attracted the region to repopulate. This was intended to populate the territory, thus attending both the consolidation of the conquest and its adequate defense. These land distributions are contained in singular documents, in the case of a concession to an individual or an institution, or in distribution books where the delivery of real estate, villager to villager, is collected in a specific location. They record two types of donations:
1. Large lots of land or donations, which include buildings and agricultural facilities, usually granted to members of the royal family, nobles, ecclesiastics, cathedral councils, monasteries
and military orders.
2. And lots of goods, technically called inheritances or neighborhoods, which include houses, cereal lands and, sometimes, olive groves, sufficient to meet the needs of a family according to their social category.

The first donations do not entail the obligation to populate. All the more, the beneficiary is required to provide a specific military service. They could be considered in such cases as fiefdoms.
On the other hand, the inheritances were delivered with the condition of populating personally in the place and fulfilling the military obligations of their social category. Therefore, as a general principle, it can be said that in the beginning all the restockers are
owners definition. These deals were undoubtedly the most spectacular part of the repopulation process, as can be deduced from the fact that in the course of about 40 or 50 years almost all the territorial property of
Andalusia changed hands, given the practical disappearance of the Mudejar population. On the other hand, the distributions originated a society of owners in which those of medium and small entity predominated. The great owners constituted
A minority within the whole. If later the large estate would be imposed in large areas of the region, it was as a result of a complex series of factors and an evolution that began in the thirteenth century itself but that lasted well into the Modern Age.

The society of restockers

The conquest of Andalusia meant a demographic break with the immediate past of the region. The practical substitution of one population for another explains
that in the region a different type of society was implanted from the one that existed before the conquest. In the first place, it is a society similar to that from which the repopulators came from: that is, a Western and, more specifically, feudal society. Indeed, it is they distinguish the basic groups of the feudal society of the time: a minority of the privileged - a knights of blood or function, and the clergy - and a mass of non-privileged (peasants and artisans)
which constitute what some texts of the time call the "other people".
Secondly, they are people from all regions encompassed within the Crown of Castile, from the other kingdoms of the Peninsula and even from other parts of Europe. Its presence in Andalusia explains the implementation of political, economic, social and even cultural structures that owed very little to the Islamic past of the region.
Now, although this society was, as it could not be otherwise, basically similar to the model prevailing at the time, it had differentiating features. The most important is to be a society of free men - even those submitted to manor - full owners of their own plots. Thus it is justified that in Andalusia there were no servants of the field, subject to limitations in their personal freedom and movement, and forced to pay benefits and taxes derived from the use of the land. Finally, Andalusian society, from the 13th century to 1492
(conquest of Granada), was a frontier society. This feature is already observed in the distribution books, in which the repopulationists appear grouped around social categories of a clear military character: noble knights, members of the small nobility
of Castilian-Leonese blood; citizen gentlemen, or townspeople who owned horses and weapons and who were in a position to fight in the same way as the nobility, and simple pawns or foot soldiers (spearmen, crossbowmen and other personnel).

The survivals of the Islamic past

If the repopulation is part of a process of greater scope of control of the space, and there were so many modifications in the structures of the property, in the forms of settlement, in the field of institutions and culture, it seems that it is more justified talk about a complex breakdown process that altered substantially and they distinguish the basic groups of the feudal society of the time: a minority of the privileged - a knights of blood or function, and the clergy - and a mass of non-privileged (peasants and artisans)
which constitute what some texts of the time call the "other people".
Secondly, they are people from all regions encompassed within the Crown of Castile, from the other kingdoms of the Peninsula and even from other parts of Europe. Its presence in Andalusia explains the implementation of political, economic, social and even cultural structures that owed very little to the Islamic past of the region.
Now, although this society was, as it could not be otherwise, basically similar to the model prevailing at the time, it had differentiating features. The most important is to be a society of free men - even those submitted to manor - full owners of their own plots. Thus it is justified that in Andalusia there were no servants of the field, subject to limitations in their personal freedom and movement, and forced to pay benefits and taxes derived from the use of the land.
Finally, Andalusian society, from the 13th century until 1492 (conquest of Granada), was a frontier society. This feature is already observed in the books of distribution, in which the repopulationists appear grouped around social categories of a clear military character: gentlemen noblemen, members of the small nobility of Castilian-Leonese blood; citizen gentlemen, or people of
people who owned horses and weapons and were able to fight in the same way as the nobility, and simple pawns or foot soldiers (lancers, crossbowmen and other personnel).

The survivals of the Islamic past

definitely the historical trajectory of the region. This is what Julio González, a pioneer in Andalusian repopulation studies, referred to when he spoke about Seville about a “deep and radical” renovation and, more explicitly, M.A. Ladero when pointing out “the uprooting of a social formation, the Islamic-Andalusian, and its replacement
on the other, the Christian-European represented by the repopulators ”.
Now, if this was so, what survived the past, apart from "loose features of the old structure"? Apparently, and leaving aside certain cultural influences of difficult identification, the basic network of the settlement (of Roman origin, in the background) and more or less abundant elements of material culture. Possibly
must have survived much more than we suppose, although in any case it would be necessary to take into account, for an easier solution of the problem, that Andalusia, from its very conquest and by its very
The condition of the border world with Islam was permanently subjected to oriental influences.

The inheritance of the Islamic past is perceptible in certain functional stays in the countryside, especially in regard to agricultural or industrial facilities, such as mills
flour or oil, and the same could be said of the physical model of the great exploitation - machares, farmhouses and burj or towers - of which
Andalusian farmhouses and farms derive. Certainly, certain urban traditions such as the irregular layout of the streets, the location of the religious and commercial centers (alhóndigas and alcaicerías) or some aspects of the urban infrastructure, such as drinking water pipes or the sewerage network, also survived.
However, the main problem arises regarding the survival of hydraulic techniques and infrastructures, which remained in Valencia and Murcia. The preserved documentation documents so only the irrigation of orchards through the traditional system of ferris wheels and pools. But news regarding the existence of larger irrigation based on a network of ditches. In the absence of archaeological evidence, everything seems to indicate that irrigation was restricted to orchard areas, of reduced dimensions, where textile plants such as flax and cotton (in Ecija) were cultivated, in addition to fruit and vegetables, and, more rarely, Olive and mulberry trees.

The new social structuring of space

The conquest and the effects of the repopulation affected the structuring of a space until then organized to serve a different model of society and economy. The mass exoduses of
Muslim population, first of the cities and later of the countryside, and subsequent land deals contributed to transform, even physically, the physiognomy of the region. Therefore, despite
of the survivals that we alluded to before, the changes far exceeded those. It could not be otherwise given the following facts:

1. Redistribution of ownership of the land operated through the distributions.
2. The new type of economy introduced in the region by the stockholders.
3. The political and military circumstances that conditioned the life of much of Andalusia during the period of 1252-1350.

We have already alluded to what land deals meant: the complete renovation of almost all of the land within two generations. A process of such dimensions had to have a visible impact on the organization of space, through the disintegration of large operating units prior to
the conquest, or of the grouping of plots in properties of smaller extension.
As for the former, although we know very little about the land ownership structures in Almohad Andalusia, everything seems to indicate the existence of large properties held by the local nobility and bourgeoisie. So at least it happened in the surroundings of Seville. Many of these properties, as included in the book of the distribution, retained the structure of such at the time of the conquest, to the point of being in some cases with annexes in the form of neighborhoods. The largest and best farms passed entirely at the hands of the nobility and the Church.
But most of them disintegrated into family-type exploitation units, of varying dimensions according to the beneficiary's social category, 4 that altered not only the same plot but also the minor road network and the traditional distribution of crops. The same devastating effects had to produce the inverse process of concentration of plots in the lands dedicated to cereal crops or in the communal ejidos and ejidos of the populations where the settlers settled.

But the main landscape modifications derived from a different or at least peculiar conception of agricultural economics. We know little about Andalusí (Al_Andalus) agriculture. But it seems that the cultivation systems and the food traditions of the conquerors went by other paths. On the one hand, absolute predominance of a "cereal-based agriculture", which would corner other crops that required special techniques, unknown to the stockholders, safe markets and abundant labor. On the other, different cultivation systems: predominance of dry land and rotation biennial. To all this should be added the ignorance by repopulation of any other method of soil regeneration that was not "fallow" and grazing dry land. And that this
This was proved by the existence of an extensive cattle ranch that fit perfectly with the eating habits and with the economic practices of the stockholders.
As for the settlement, the conquest reinforced the role of cities, although in a different sense from the traditional one, emphasizing their administrative and military values, and, at the same time, profoundly altering the rural population. In fact, since its inception, the repopulation is organized from the urban centers, converted into administrative enclaves, agglutinators of the Christian settlement, into centers of power and defense of the territory.
From them the repopulation of the territory is also organized and a coherent system of use of natural resources is established and a permanent flow from the countryside to the city is created and vice versa.
This approach - initially compatible with the existence of numerous Mudejar villages - eventually became definitive, for reasons that we have already analyzed: the shortage of repopulators, the exodus or expulsion, after 1264, of the Mudejar population and the Threat of Grenadians and Moroccans. The transformation of the old Islamic villages into depopulated and the abandonment of the fields explains the extraordinary boom reached by livestock throughout the region and the interest that, from its origins around 1270, had the great cattle organization of the Mesta by the Andalusian pastures.

Restocking balance of the thirteenth century

The repopulation of Andalusia was an impressive effort for the Castilian-Leonese society of the thirteenth century, also forced to repopulate, simultaneously, much of Extremadura, La Mancha and Murcia. This justifies the impression that is deduced from the testimonies of the time of an impressive lack of human resources. And it is explained that the Christians of the North who went to Andalusia could not fill all the gaps produced by the expulsion and exodus of the Muslim population. In these circumstances, only cities and nuclei of strategic value were repopulated, and their immediate rural environment. The villages and the numerous rural enclaves of the Islamic era were largely unpopulated, thus becoming depopulated on which the repopulation efforts that would concentrate in the following centuries would be concentrated We will consider later. It goes without saying that the most unpopulated territories were those located near the border with the kingdom of Granada, which, to a large extent, only they would repopulate after the fall of the city of the Alhambra in the hands of the Catholic Monarchs.
This relative failure of the repopulation of the thirteenth century was also due to other factors already mentioned: the abandonment and return of their places of origin of many of those who had come to repopulate; to the economic difficulties of the time that made Andalusia the most expensive region of the kingdom, and to the insecurity of the territory, threatened since 1275 by Grenadians and Moroccans. All these factors made Andalusia a little or not at all attractive area for potential stockholders.
In conclusion, it can be affirmed that at the end of the 13th century Andalusia presented itself as a region threatened by border war, marked by the destruction of several decades of wars and located far below its possibilities and its demographic needs.
However, it may not be convenient to load the inks too much.
The repopulation of the century, despite its limitations, achieved the main objective: to control a strategic space and lay the demographic, institutional and cultural foundations of a completely transformed Andalusia. Naturally, I am referring to the "Castilianization" of the territory not as a result of the implementation of a mixed model of Christian-Mudejar society, which was the one that was initially tried, but by the community of origin
and culture of most of its inhabitants. In fact, almost eliminated, by the expulsion or by voluntary exile, the native population, only the Jewish minority subtracted - returned to their individuals
neighborhoods or juderías- and, in some cities like Seville, the colonies of foreign merchants who, despite their origin, barely kept within the whole of the society of repopulation.
And it was precisely in this majority where a process of amalgam of influences took place that would lead after several generations to an Andalusia differentiated by accidental but very striking features, among which certain Speech variants compared to northern Castilian and others of a more anecdotal nature, such as a certain propensity for exaggeration, already pointed out at a very early date by Juan Ruiz, archpriest of Hita, in her famous Book of Good Love:

The repopulations of the XV-XV centuries

The repopulation activity continued during the last two medieval centuries, although at a much slower pace and with less spectacular results. This was the result of the intermittency with which the conquest operations that were practically interrupted in 1350 took place. During the fifteenth century the conquests before the final war of Granada (1482-92) were more sporadic than in the previous century, deserving to be noted by its meaning those of Antequera (1410) and Gibraltar (1462). In general terms, these conquests had a very local reach and can be considered as readjustments of the border designed in the thirteenth century.
But, along with the repopulation of newly conquered places, it is possible to speak of another type of repopulation, which we will call from the interior, through which the agricultural and demographic recovery of the depopulated produced by the conquest took place and by the restricted or selective nature that had the "official" restocking of the century Xlll

Border repopulations

The border is, without a doubt, the area where it is best seen how difficult the task of repopulating was. This explains the very limited and even modest nature of border repopulations, despite the incentives that were granted to border towns since Alfonso x. Indeed, since its reign and at the same time that the defense of the border with the kingdom of Granada was organized, a border right oriented to attract residents was outlined.
The most general aspect of this right is made up of the numerous tax exemptions that were granted to the inhabitants of the castles and towns of the border, culminating in the time of Alfonso XI with the most desired of all: that of the payment of alcabala.

The military obligations of the inhabitants of the border were reduced to those of a merely defensive nature. Therefore, they were either exempt from attending the host or the obligation was limited to a reduced territorial scope, between Guadalquivir and
the sea. Very soon this obligation was replaced by that of providing permanent defense and surveillance services in the town of which they were residents. And, even in this case, such services were paid by the Crown with welded according to the greater or lesser degree of military specialization of the neighbor. To these benefits was added, from the effective reign of Alfonso XI (1325-1350), the delivery to the repopulators of annual cereal concessions. However, the most distinctive feature of border law was the so-called privilege of homicians, formulated for the first time in the Gibraltar village letter (1310). By virtue of it, all those criminals who lived on the border for a certain time - a year and a day - could obtain forgiveness for their crimes, except for certain crimes such as treason, breaking truces or peace of the king or abduction of His lord's wife.
This privilege would reach an extraordinary diffusion during the reign of Alfonso Xi, who granted it to almost all border towns and castles, starting with Alcaudete (1326) and Olvera (1327).
Even today, the popular saying of the Sierra de Cádiz - "Kill the man and go to Olvera" - recalls this uniqueness of the Andalusian villages of the "Moorish band". The institution was also in force on the border of Portugal and Granada with the kingdom of Castile.
Despite all these privileges, the border was populated with many difficulties, and there is more than one test. A well-documented case is that of Medina Sidonia, a town that was repopulated in the time of Alfonso x (1264-66) with about 200 inhabitants. By 1346 it had only 310 neighbors and that as a result of a second distribution ordered by Leonor de Guzmán, lady of the town and official lover of the Castilian monarch. Twenty years later, after two epidemic waves, the population had been reduced to 150 neighbors.
Another perfectly documented case is that of Antequera, where in 1410 it was intended to install 620 neighbors. It was not so. To the

At the end of the war in Granada, the city had no more than 375 neighbors, of which more than a hundred had settled in it after the conquest of Malaga (1487). Obvious signal that the border remained a repulsive environment for the population, to
Despite the policy of privileges and exemptions deployed by the Crown over more than two centuries.
Therefore, the fact that the end of the war and the disappearance of the border caused a real wave of repopulations and the urban population growth of the border towns that, until the end of the 15th century, had been confined were very significant to the reduced scope of its walled enclosures, in the shadow of its impressive castles. Antequera, again, is a paradigm of the new situation. In 1512 it already had about 2,000 neighbors. A few years later, the informants of Hernando Colón, the son of the Admiral, noted that "the village - that is, the walled enclosure - was small, but with large suburbs populated in a few years." In 1534 the number of neighbors exceeded the figure of 2 600.

Interior restocking

Since the end of the thirteenth century, Andalusia has been observed - although the phenomenon has only been analyzed in the sector of the Kingdom of Seville - an intense repopulation activity of a very different sign than what we have considered until now. In general terms, it is a task carried out by the landlords (noble, ecclesiastical and military orders) and, to a lesser extent, by the councils.
Years ago I defined this process as an operation that managed to transform and humanize a rural landscape characterized by the predominance of uncultivated spaces and by the depopulated caused by the conquest, by the selective nature of the first repopulation and by the disappearance of the Mudejar population. Well, the repopulating activity of one and the other tried to make effective the domain -also jurisdictional- over empty spaces of population and get them to be, through the settlement of repopulating, productive and profitable. The results were not entirely negligible since only in the Kingdom of Seville were populated, between 1302 and 1346, no less than about 30 villages.
The phenomenon was not reduced to the fourteenth century. On the contrary, it lasted throughout the fifteenth and first third of the sixteenth centuries.5 Here are briefly expressed the features of the process.

1. Repopulations documented throughout the fourteenth century were carried out by very insignificant contingents of restockers: no more than 40 or 50 neighbors.
2. Unlike the repopulation of the xill century, these peasant-repopulators came from the towns near the repopulated villages, so we are faced with short migrations
radio that speak more of a redistribution of the population than of the arrival of stockholders from outside the region.
3. During the fourteenth century the repopulations were the effect not so much of the existence of demographic pressure, but of the confluence of two different but coincidental factors: on the part of the landlords, the need to face the economic crisis characteristic of the period by putting into operation some
semi-abandoned properties; on the part of the peasants, the possibility that the repopulation offered them to redo their battered family assets and return to own land, even if it was at the cost of accepting a not too generous manorial regime, as evidenced by the conserved letters-towns. Perhaps the peasants were also looking for security that was not guaranteed in the realengo. The result was the recreation, on a stately initiative, of a functional smallholding -which already existed in Islamic times- that placed an abundant, safe and submissive workforce in the vicinity of the large farms.
To these factors was added, in the fifteenth century, population growth. As far as we know, this growth was simply spectacular: over 300% in some areas of Andalusia. It allowed to resume successfully, once the epidemics of the previous century were overcome, the repopulation process.
4. But in addition to the economic interest of the landlords, there was another factor that should be highlighted: the possibility of transforming their large properties into true manors by installing them in repobladores-vassals. This is observed with all
clarity in some village letters of the first half of the fourteenth century in which the Lord reserves, in addition to civil and criminal jurisdiction, the confirmation of the municipal authorities chosen by the neighbors. The passage of large property to the manor has not yet been sufficiently explained. But it is evident that, both in the fourteenth and the following centuries, the jurisdictional lords rivaled the attraction of villagers-vassals to their manors, to whom they distributed their own lands.
5. The disappearance of the border with the kingdom of Granada, conquered, as is known, between 1482 and 1492, led, on the one hand, the increase of the population of the old border enclaves, and, on the other, the appearance of new populations in the same line. The phenomenon was particularly intense in the kingdoms of Jaén and Seville.

The Repopulation of the Kingdom of Granada

The repopulation of the kingdom of Granada - initiated from 1482 and, especially, from 1485 (conquest of Ronda) - has many points in common with the repopulation of the Guadalquivir valley in the thirteenth century.
It was an operation sponsored by the Crown, with techniques and methodology all similar to those of the xill century: the installation of settlers following the method of distribution. The entity of the lots distributed depends on the social status of the stockholder.
The restockers came from all the territories of the kingdom of Castile. There were, also, other peninsular kingdoms, such as Valencia, Mallorca and Portugal. Logically, for the most part they came from the nearest regions: the Andalucía del Guadalquivir,
Murcia and Extremadura.

Together with the real estate incentive, the repopulators received from the Catholic Monarchs the complete exemption from the payment of taxes for a certain period of time ranging from three to five years, which in fact lasted throughout the nineties of the XV century.
The repopulation affected only the places that had resisted the Castilian conquest. Many towns and cities (Granada, among them) and entire rural regions obtained from the kings capitulations that allowed the Muslims to remain in their places of origin, keeping their organizational system, religion, customs and properties almost unchanged. They were also allowed to emigrate freely - until the end of 1493 - to North Africa or any
other part. In this way a difficult, if not impossible, coexistence began between the minority of emigrated Christians (about 40,000 families) and the Mudejar majority.
Soon the problems arose and the ruptures began of the capitulations. At the end of 1499, the Moors in the Granada neighborhood of Albaicín revolted, who were forced to convert to Christianity. The revolt soon spread through the mountains (Alpujarras, Almería and Sierra Bermeja), continuing until 1501. Crushed at the cost of a hard military effort, the kings made the decision to order the conversion of the Mudejars, both from Granada and the rest of the kingdom. In this way and by way of imposition the Moors became "new Christians" or Moors. His assimilation was difficult. In 1568 the general uprising of
the moriscos of the Alpujarras. After a hard war, the Moors would return to submit, then taking the decision to banish most of the Moorish population to points outside the kingdom of Granada.

[Gallop]

1767: The colonization of Sierra Morena with six thousand Swiss Catholics
http://blogs.libertaddigital.com/alm...s-suizos-9373/


Carlos lll https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Charles_III_of_Spain

On April 2, 1767, 6,000 Catholic settlers from Switzerland, Germany and Central Europe were authorized to enter Sierra Morena. Carlos III had promoted this measure due to the lack of security of the travelers who used the general road of Andalusia as it passed through Despeñaperros, a completely unpopulated region that was usual section for banditry. In 1766 the King accepted the proposal of Johannes Caspar von Thurriegel, a Bavarian officer who promised to bring six thousand settlers to Spain, most of them from Germany and Flanders; the only conditions that were required of them were that they be Catholics, farmers or artisans and peaceful citizens. They were promised a lot of land, tools for farming, some heads of cattle and 326 reants of fleece, an offer more than attractive for a Europe in recession.

Carlos III appointed the Superintendent Pablo de Olavide as the person in charge of the occupation, who was in charge of the drafting of the New Population Court (1767). This jurisdiction established the number of families that had to live in each nucleus, the distance between the populations and the prohibition of establishing, for example, religious communities and middle or higher education centers, since they did not want newcomers to leave the lands to start a religious life or a liberal career in the city.

Pablo de Olavide y Jáuregui was one of the most important enlightened reformers of Carlos III's Spain. Writer, jurist and Lima politician, at seventeen he was a doctor in Theology and Law. In Spain he entered the court pushed by the illustrated winds that moved the monarch. In addition to populating Sierra Morena, he reorganized urbanistically Seville, promoted the theater, renewed administrations and education, minorized agrarian landlordism ... Investigated by the Inquisition he was accused of heresy and sentenced to eight years of imprisonment. He would escape to France and be welcomed by Voltaire. When the revolution broke out, he held positions in the Convention, but fled with Terror, was imprisoned and wrote in captivity Gospel in triumph, an orthodox text that caused the forgiveness of the Inquisition and the return of his dignity when he returned to Spain.

New Populations of Andalusia and Sierra Morena

https://es.wikipedia.org/wiki/Nuevas..._Sierra_Morena

[Gallop]

We will document the repopulation of Andalusia

https://www.researchgate.net/publica..._la_Edad_Media

CATALAN PRESENCE IN THE WESTERN ANDALUSIA AT THE END OF THE MIDDLE AGE


Abstract: Taking for granted that theCatalan-Aragonese expansion through theMediterranean sea has received due atten-tion from historians, this work deals withsome realms and locations less often visi-ted by sailors and merchants from Catalo-nia, Valencia or Mallorca. Its aim is toprovide a view of the Catalan presence inwestern Andalusia throughout the lateMiddle Ages, analyzing its role in theAndalusian allotment and the conditionsaccounting for the development of such apresence in the region between the thir-teenth and the fifteenth centuries. It dealsparticularly with the creation of family andeconomic bonds standing as the founda-tions of Catalan influence on Andalusia,which help to better understand its interestin the Middle Atlantic some time later.Keywords: Catalonians in Andalusia; LateMiddle Ages; Middle Atlantic; Fifteenth century

LAST NAMES AND INTERNAL MIGRATIONS IN THE CHRISTIAN SPAIN OF LA RECONQUISTA

http://www.tusapellidos.com/apellidos_migrac2.htm

conclusion

We have seen that the advance towards the south during the Reconquest of the Christians of the Spanish kingdoms and counties led to the simultaneous expansion of their names and cognitive systems: patronymics, nicknames, toponymics, compounds ...

In addition to their respective regions of origin, many Galician, Asturian and Leonese surnames were extended mainly through the territories conquered by the Kingdom of León –Extremadura–, western Andalusia and –about all Galicians– the Canary Islands.

Many Cantabrian surnames –montañeses–, old Castilians, Basques and Riojaans, and part of the Asturians, were spread essentially by both Castillas (Old and New), La Rioja, part of Aragon, La Mancha, the Kingdom of Murcia, Extremadura, Andalusia Oriental and the Canary Islands.

Likewise, a significant part of the Basque surnames also passed to Navarra and, through Aragon, to the Kingdom of Valencia. Many Navarre surnames also spread to these latter areas and, through Castile, to Extremadura, La Mancha and Andalusia.

For its part, many Aragonese surnames also extended, mainly, to Castilla la Nueva, La Mancha, the Kingdom of Valencia, part of Catalonia and the Balearic Islands, and eastern Andalusia.

Finally, many Catalan surnames passed, basically, to the areas reconquered by their bearers and other borderlands: part of the Ribagorza, border areas of eastern Aragon, the Kingdom of Valencia, the Balearic Islands and part of Murcia, and from there to the east of Andalusia and the Canary Islands.

Of course, new surnames also emerged based on the toponymy of the new reconquered areas: Castilla la Nueva, La Mancha, Valencia, Extremadura, Murcia, Andalusia ...

Since its appearance in the ninth century, starting with the nobility and especially the patronymic, the last name was gaining ground in the Christian kingdoms as they developed. In the following century, it was sometimes added, especially among the nobles, a toponymic complement that alluded to their place of origin or jurisdiction. However, the last name was not yet hereditary and even changed easily. Only in the twelfth century, to confirm the lineage, it is becoming stable among the nobles - especially the toponymic - and it will be necessary to wait another century for it to consolidate and begin to be clearly hereditary also in the flat state. It is a very slow process, which is reaffirmed in the fifteenth century and especially in the sixteenth, when all parishes are forced to register baptisms, marriages and deaths.

Thus, although then there have been other migrations in the Iberian Peninsula - such as those resulting from the expulsion of the Moors from the Alpujarras (Granada) in the XVI, and from all of Spain in the following century -, during the Reconquest the bases were laid of the peninsular distribution of the Spanish surname. Perhaps one day we can also analyze, from the onomastic point of view, the Spanish internal migrations of the modern and contemporary ages. I hope that the map drawn in these pages, "protohistory" of most of the Hispanic genealogy, allows us to better understand and redo particular lineages, from today to where they are lost in community history.

Genoveses in Cádiz: the first gaditano Boccardo.
http://pidrebocardo.blogspot.com/201...-boccardo.html

The first ancestor Bocardo from whom information has been obtained is Domingo José Liborio Bocardo, born in Genoa (Italy), approximately 1,780. Of day laborer occupation.
The presence of ligures (Ligur was the Italian region that had Genoa as its capital) in the Iberian Peninsula was very evident since the Middle Ages. Many were those who emigrated from that Italian region to the flourishing city of Cádiz; either to settle in it and improve their standard of living, or as a stopover to American countries.

It was very typical of that time that the Genoese arriving in Cádiz married Spanish women, to a certain extent this facilitated their labor integration since this fact allowed them to ask for nationality. Proof of this is that the Genoese constituted the first foreign community according to the number of nature cards obtained between 1,700 and 1,787.
This could be the case of Domingo (Doménico) José Liborio Boccardo, who in the first decade of the 1800s married Mª Magdalena Montenegro, a native of Cádiz and born about 1,790 approximately.
Mª Magdalena does not seem to have Italian origin, at least this is demonstrated by the study that was done on her last name when the first owner of the theater of the famous puppets of La Tía Norica, Pedro Montenegro Estéves, was investigated.
In this investigation, the Provincial Historical Archive of Cádiz was consulted to consult the “Notarial protocols” section. In the indices of testamentary dispositions, from 1,663 and until the end of the 19th century, there are several individuals, men and women, with the last name “Montenegro” who tested in Cádiz and who were natives of this city or of other populations, but none of They were of Italian origin. Some of them came from Galicia, place of origin of the last name as confirmed by the González Doria heraldic dictionary (1987) where, specifically, it is considered a native of Pontevedra.
Probably Domingo José had to qualify for the Royal Decree promulgated on July 20, 1791 by the monarch Carlos IV. By means of it, any foreigner was forced to choose between the status of passer-by and that of the foreigner, signing in the latter case an oath of allegiance to the Crown. The Royal Decree, openly lamenting that "many, or more, want to use, or use promiscuously, the privileges of passers-by and those who are close by," provided for the compilation of a register of all foreigners present in the territory to find out if they had the intention of staying for a short time or of coming as subjects of the king. The requirements to settle were reduced to the Catholic faith, the oath of fidelity to the sovereign, the declaration of resignation to the jurisdiction of foreigners, and the interruption of relations with the respective consul, minister or ambassador. Those who refused to come forward would not have been able to exercise the liberal and mechanical arts. Therefore all those who were retail merchants, tailors, hairdressers, shoemakers, doctors, surgeons, architects, servants and dependents of the Spanish vassals were given fifteen days of time to present the oath and the resignation to the jurisdiction of foreigners, under pain of jail, presidio or expulsion of the kingdoms of the monarchy and the confiscation of their goods "according to the quality of the people and the contravention". The strongly inclusive nature of this provision is manifested in the oaths presented by the numerous Ligurian immigrants, among which we find merchants married in their homeland or in Lisbon, seamen or seasonal farmers who declared they had no domicile, and even individuals accompanied by a interpreter for not speaking a word of Spanish. All had arrived in order to "seek life" and, as one of them said, "not being able to do it without the formality of the oath, they had agreed to be Spanish."



GENOVESES
http://www.andalupedia.es/p_termino_...hp?id_ter=9202


The regular presence of the Genoese population in Andalusia dates back to the time immediately after the Christian Reconquest. Three years after the Castilian takeover of Seville, on May 22, 1251, King Ferdinand III granted various privileges to the Republic of Genoa, located in the Liguria region, northwest of Italy, for which its citizens are allowed have alhondiga, chapel and own consuls. Informed of the remarkable economic activity of this city-state throughout Europe and its influence in the different Mediterranean markets, the so-called "holy king" grants, through a card, certain rights of extraterritoriality to the Genoese, which even in Almohad times They had already sporadically visited the Hispanic capital to conduct business. However, it is from 1251 when the commercial relations increase, since the Genoese enjoy a 50% customs exemption and a special protection to export oil, wine and cereals produced in the Aljarafe and "mainly mercury" metals extracted from the mines of Almadén de la Plata. This distinctive treatment is reaffirmed in later stages by the following Castilian monarchs, who understand the need to have said population for the enrichment of Andalusian cities, especially in Seville, which becomes, thanks to its river port, an important point connecting three seaways: the Mediterranean, the Atlantic and the North Sea. The Guadalquivir River is used, therefore, not only as an entrance to the Castilian market, but as a stopover to other points further away, including North Africa, the Atlantic islands "Azores and Canary Islands", England or Flanders.
During the fifteenth century, the stay of Genoese citizens in Andalusia intensifies and extends to other points, such as Malaga, Almeria, Granada, Cordoba and, above all, the Bay of Cádiz. In all these places they practice professions of the bourgeois class: usually bankers, merchants, shipowners, sailors and soldiers. However, unlike other foreign colonies "Flemish, Frankish or German", their presence is temporary and rarely establish residence or take the Castilian nature. Serve as exceptional examples the families of the Cataño "installed at the end of the fifteenth century", the Pinelo or the Negron in Seville. As Miguel Ángel Ladero Quesada points out in the History of Seville (1992), their commercial and financial importance would be greater than the physical presence. This fact is evident in the neighborhood of Genoa, near the Hispanic cathedral, where the alhondiga where they traded, but where only 15 or 20 Genoese resided. Even so, this colony is considered the most prominent among all foreign groups based in Andalusia during the late Middle Ages, above the Placentinos, Florentines, Venetians, Flemish, English, Breton and Portuguese. As Professor Giuliano Panizza recalls in his thesis "L´azienda Durezzo a Codice", "the Genoese, from Seville, direct the traffic of all southern Spain and Castile", in addition to supplying grain to the population in times of famine .

[Gaditanian]

All Andaluz, Andaluzia, Andalusia...

Land of All Andalus?

Visigothic thesis finds the etymological origin in the Visigothic name of the ancient Roman province of Betica: Landahlauts.

The Visigoths, when occupying these lands, distributed them through raffles; the prizes that touched each of them and the corresponding lands were called "Gothica sorts", appearing in written sources, all in Latin, as Gothica sors (singular) as designation of the Godo kingdom as a whole.

The corresponding Goda designation, Landahlauts ('draw land'), would be transformed according to this thesis in Al-Landahlauts - Al-Andalus

HALM, Heinz. "Al-Andalus und Gothica Sors", en Welt des Oriens nº 66. 1989. Pp. 252-263