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Thread: Dimitrije Ljotić - What we are fighting for

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    Default Dimitrije Ljotić - What we are fighting for

    Dimitrije Ljotić - What we are fighting for (1935)


    We are fighting, first of all, for a different concept of politics. Among the people, this word has gained the connotation of something false, filthy and sordid. For a long time now, the people have thought that politics is like a manure pile at the rear of a peasant courtyard, a thing necessary, but neither clean nor dignified.

    The first consequence of such belief has been that a vast number of honorable people decided that there is no place for them in politics, just as clean, well-dressed people make sure to keep away from manure.

    The second consequence has been that those honorable people who nevertheless were in politics were swamped and overrun by those whose actions had given rise to this belief among the people.

    And the third and worst consequence has been the slow but steady erosion of national moral standards. The nation has been losing faith and its old moral values. Honesty and personal honor have begun to look like obstacles to advancement in life. . . .

    We want to stop the continued moral decline of the nation. We want to restore to honor our former high national principles.

    It is therefore necessary to put an end to the belief that politics is dirt and manure, to put an end to the conviction that politics is personal advantage and corruption. Instead, the belief must arise in all our nation that politics is a toilsome struggle and an honorable service in which no one may seek personal advantage, much less enrichment.

    Consequently, power must be made dependent on such personal answerability, that all weaklings and cowards, all scoundrels and egoists will flee to the rear, as once they fled from the war front. That is where they still belong.

    This is the first, and fundamental, principle of our struggle.

    We fight therefore for a national, popular politics, and against the politics of parties, cliques and factions.

    It has come to pass that nothing in the country can be accomplished without the recommendation and intercession of a political party. NO one can get his rights according to law, but only at the recommendation of someone influential. Obligations are avoided and responsibilities are canceled, not according to the law but at the intercession of someone influential. . . . All this means that we have no lawful and permanent state and national policy, but that the state is run by party, faction and clique politics.

    The lack of such national and state policy has brought heavy consequences. Throughout the land, this kind of government has produced bitterness and unrest. Today, our nation, thanks to such government, is insufficiently united, and lacks solidarity.

    But we are for national unity . . . .

    In social and economic affairs, we fight for the right of the people to take affairs into their own hands. We demand that, in these respects, no general national policy be planned or carried out without the active participation of representatives of national professional organizations. . . .

    National forces cannot develop in either the economic or the social field until the people stand on their own feet and implement the principle of self-help. The state retains over this whole enormous area the right of supervision in the framework of the social and economic plan, and the right to regulate relations between the professions.

    In this regard, we fight for the principle that politics must not be separated from national social and economic life. At present, it is so separated. Today, it is thought that there exists some pure politics unconnected with social and economic question. Today, people who have no contact with national needs, who have no understanding of real social and economic national problems, rise through elections to the highest offices. We fight for a political system in which this would become impossible.

    We are deeply convinced that many contemporary social and economic difficulties would not exist if such a system were in effect. This is the third principle of our struggle.

    We fight, finally, because, although it looks like we live in cowardly times, we believe that many think as we do , are dedicated to these aims, ready for sacrifice, and confident of victory. This is the fourth and last principle of our struggle.




    The Ideals of Contemporary Youth (1942)


    One hundred and fifty years ago, the French Revolution enthroned an idea which promised the individual strength, prosperity, happiness and peace. This idea took the individual as the measure, elevated him to the highest throne, to the altar, and proclaimed: hitherto it had always been believed that human happiness must be pursued by a collectivethe family, the nation, the stateand the individual was forgotten. Henceforth, men will aim at individual happiness. And since human society is merely a collection of individuals, a million happy individuals will make a happy society of one million men.

    Having thus turned the social order upside down, this principle of individualism gave birth to materialism, capitalism and political democracy, and thus created contemporary materialistic-democratic-capitalistic society. For 150 years, the individual has reigned. The individual displaced humanity as the standard, and thereby destroyed the hitherto existing self-protective systems of all nations. He has reigned, more or less, generally, and it has taken 150 years to show that unfortunate humanity, which was induced to follow this decoy, has lost its way.

    The individualistic idea promised individual happiness. Why should men march toward collective happiness? Better to pursue the happiness of the individual, since happy individuals equal a happy collective. But 150 years have shown that this road leads nowhere. Because all the difficulties and breakdowns and chaos through which we are passing today are a consequence of this enthronement of individualistic thought in human society. Because those who established this idea as the new standard lost sight of one important fact: Human society is not merely a collection of individuals. It is an entity of a higher order, which cannot be expressed as the arithmetical sum of the individuals that compose it. Even if all of us who live today in this country were to gather together, even if we all answered the roll call, this still would not make a nation. A nation is a being of a higher order, existing independently of those individuals of whom it is temporarily composed. It is not a physical being, with a head, arms, legs, eyes. It is a moral and historical entity, which lives and acts in human history, carrying its national symbols.

    A nation is an entity which has a past and a future, and which at a given moment is not a simple sum of its members. Therefore it is impossible to make happy a nation through the direct happiness of individuals. However, individualistic thought says: "You, the individual, are your own purpose, therefore seek your own happiness." But millions of individuals, driven by their egoism, collected together did not make a happy society, but instead created chaos. To tell a mass of millions of men: "Let each of you chase his own happiness!" means to direct them into a path in which chaos and confusion will reignexactly as we observe today. And this, I repeat, derives from one erroneous idea: that human society is a simple sum a individuals. And thus it is, and had to be, that the individual, pursuing heedlessly his own happiness, injures society, and through the calamities of society injures himself. . . .

    If we now return to our previous question: how can the builders of life, the ardent individuals, those who are the light and the salt of the earth, how can they become strong, then in the light of the preceding exposition of the evil consequences of the enthronement of individualism in the Christian world, we shall perceive that his will be possible only when we shall replace the individualistic idea with another idea: the organic idea.

    The organic idea arises from the fact that the individual, as a rule, does not live outside human society. On the contrary, the individual needs society for his own benefit. Therefore the individual, contrary to the individualistic idea, cannot consider first his personal interests, but must keep before his eyes, first of all, the interests of the society to which he belongs. Subordinating himself to the collective, the individual will promote the development of the collective, and through it, his own. From this fact, it follows that the human collective (in the first place, the family and the nation, as natural phenomena which a man enters by being born) is not a simple collection of its members, but has its existence independently in many respects from theirs, since it exists and endures, outliving them, just as it existed before them.

    Although the individualistic idea directed the individual to consider only his own happiness . . . life has shown that a million collected egoisms produce general misfortune, and simultaneously individual misfortune.

    On the contrary, if the organic ideathat the individual must consider the interests of the totalitybecomes the ruling system, this will achieve the happiness of the collective, and through this, the individual will also achieve personal happiness.

    Therefore we must replace the individualistic idea with the organic idea. We fight against the first and for the second. Let us reemphasize, by strengthening the collective, we shall also make the individual strong.

    Individualistic thought gave birth to democracy, capitalism, Marxism and Bolshevism, materialism and atheism. Capitalism and Marxism are brothers, deriving from the same, individualistic world view. . . . Neither individualism, nor capitalism, nor Marxism can solve social distress. Neither can democracy, which is merely political individualism. Capitalism is the economic system, democracy is its political weapon and its expression in politics. . . .

    Only organic thought, which shows the individual his place in the family, in the nation, in the state, in humanity, in the universe, can solve the hopeless contemporary situation. Only the organic idea, which explains man's place in the world: whence he came, why he is here, whither his destiny, which are the means to his fateonly this idea can discover the way and find the ideal.

    https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Dimitrije_Ljoti%C4%87

    https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Yugosl...ional_Movement

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    Dimitrije "Mita" Ljotic



    "We want to stop the continued moral decline of the nation. We want to restore the honour and our former high national principles." Dimitrije Ljotic (From an article titled "What We Are Fighting For",1935)


    Dimitrije Ljotic (Димитрије Љотић) was the son of Vladimir Ljotic, Serbian consul in Salonica. Born August 12, 1891 in Belgrade (then Kingdom of Serbia), he spent many years in the Serb town of Smederevo. His distant cousins, among them Djordje "Ljota" Dimitrijevic (from where they got their family name) came from Blace (presently in region Toplica) in the first half of the 18th century. Dimitrije's grandfather, also named Dimitrije, was a great supporter of the Karadjordjevic dynasty. Dimirtije Ljotic completed elementary school and his first 3 years of high school in Smederevo, then he went to Salonica where he completed high school, staying with his father. Following his completion of middle school, he continued his studies in Law school, and at the same time studied at the Faculty of Law in Belgrade, where he obtained a diploma in July 1913. Dimitrije was immediately recruited into the army on the eve of the Balkan wars. During recruitment, he refused to take the oath because, as they say, he was a young Tolstoyan "pacifist" at that time. The oath was also not taken because people of his age group were never mobilised. However, it was contrary to his nature to remain an idle observer so he enlisted as a volunteer in the military hospital where he stayed until the end of the 2nd Balkans war in 1913. At his own request he worked in the most hazardous and exacting wards - those dealing with cholera cases. His witnessing of human suffering frim the ravages if both war and disease left a deep and lasting impression on young Ljotic. He totally broke away from Tolstoyism.

    In the autumn of 1913, at the end of the Balkan Wars, on the orders of King Peter I, Ljotic went to Paris to continue his post-graduate studies. There he stayed for 9 months, returning to Serbia following the assassination of the Archduke Franz Ferdinand of Austro-Hungary in Sarajevo.

    "Three things, other than school, kept me busy in Paris: Church, library, and museuma. To learn as much about the value of positive human knowledge and discover the relationship with Christianity". At the time, the young Ljotic was greatly influenced politically by the French nationalist politician Charles Maurras. Following the WW1, Maurras watched with great enthusiasm the great successes of the new Italian and German leaders. He was a great enemy of the Jews, secret societies, and fully understood capitalism, while favouring the corporate system. With his colleague Dode, Maurras formed in 1908 the national-royalist paper "French Action" where nationalist and right-wing ideas were put forward. Ljotic was influenced by these and other nationalist ideologies, which reinforced his deep patriotic and monarchist feelings and understanding of the Fascism. He read their literature and visited nationalist and royalist meetings. He often spoke these words "It is imperative that we are monarchists, because we have our own national dynasty".

    Following the start of WW1, Ljotic returned to Serbia from Paris and was called up in the army. As a junior officer and later a reserve officer, he stayed in the army until June 1920 when he was demobilised. Until then Ljotic served on the frontline. In 1919 the army designated him a railway commander in Bakra, near the Italian border. At the time of his demobilisation, a general strike of railway workers erupted on April 16, 1920. The strike ended after one day following Ljotic's intervention, where he arrested 36 workers and handed them over to the authorities. The strike clearly had a communist character to it, organised by the communists with 2 goals: stop the flow of weapons against Hungary (Bela Kun), and to halt demobilisation in order to provoke confusion and unrest in the army among reservists.

    In the Autumn of 1920, Ljotic married and joined the right-wing Radical Party. He lived in Smederevo where he opened a law office, finishing his law studies in September 1921 in Belgrade. In 1929 when the King's "dictatorship" was declared, Ljotic and many like-minded people were very happy and satisfied. In that he saw the Yugoslav state moving forward and also the open possibilities for his ideas and programs. As a supporter of the Karadjordjevics he requested from the King an audience. As a well-known monarchist, the King named Ljotic as Minister of Justice in the Petar Zivkovic's government which he joined on February 16, 1931. It is interesting that he always walked to work, not wanting to use his official car, which he had full rights to. The Ministry of Justice was involved in drafting a new constitution, which was later rejected by King Aleksandar. In the constitution, Ljotic's programs of corporate sytstems was included and solutions which were earlier adopted by Adolf Hitler and Benito Mussolini.

    But to King fundamental was proposal that people should elect their representatives by secret ballot, but the nomination of candidates, instead of coming from various political parties, would be made by regional electoral colleges, consisting of representatives of "stalezi" (professional and cultural organisations). Because the proposed constitution was not accepted, Ljotic resigned his post in protest which the King ratified. Ljotic then returned to his law career. When he resigned from his post, Ljotic asked the King his permission on whether he could continue his work in the political field, where he could obtain a followers for his ideas, the King agreed. Dimitrije Ljotic thus continued his political struggle, forming the Yugoslav National Movement ZBOR, and papers "Otadzbina" (Fatherland), "Zbor", and "Budjenje (Awakening)". He was smeared and attacked by all, as the government did not sympathize with his struggle against freemasonry, political parties, and corruption. Those in power systematically set out to suppress the growth of ZBOR. Rallies and meetings were sabotaged, ZBOR publications were severely censored, and ZBOR members intimidated and persecuted.

    Whilst the battle continued against the corrupt authority, ZBOR found itself increasingly under attack from organised Communists who sought to disrupt meetings and discredit Ljotic and his followers by every possible means. On the other hand, Dimitrije Ljotic was one of the fircest opponents of communism, and the most popular anti-communist writer in Serbia and Yugoslavia. He was one of the first to recognise the role of the Jews in the communist revolution, the forcing of liberal-democracy and capitalism. Jews are, according to Ljotic, a cursed people. In his views, there are 4 methods the Jews have of ruling over other nations and the whole world, which include: Capitalism, Democracy, Freemasonry, and Marxism.

    He openly called for action against Jews and their products because they were and are the most cynical and dangerous opponents of Christian peoples, Christian values, and the Christian way of life. Ljotic was a devout Orthodox Christian. The great Orthodox spiritual leader and philosopher, Bishop Nikolaj Velimirovic, said of Mita that he is a "politician with a Cross". In his public letter entitled "Dear Comrades", Ljotic wrote: "Remember that beyond the sphere of Christ's influnce there is no basis for the saving of nations and of individuals, neither is there an alternative way, alternative truth and life. Everything else, no matter how attractive it could be, is the undoing of individuals as well as nations. Consequently, Zbor did not venture, nor did it want, nor was it able to choose some new way, some new basis, some new truth, some new mode of life beyond the way, the truth and the life of our Lord Jesus Christ..." All in all, Mita was indeed a true patriot, sincere Christian and a charismatic leader.

    In the pre-WW2 years his political popularity as well as number of ZBOR followers rose steadily and when the war broke out he joined the Government of National Salvation. He was one of the closest friends and associates of General Milan Nedic (left, meeting Adolf Hitler). As he was during peaceful time the chairman and spiritual leader of the ZBOR movement, in the same way he lead the Serbian Volunteer Corps (SDK) during the war.

    As the fact that Germany was losing the war became more evident and when the Red Army was closing in on Serbia, Ljotic sought to evolve an appropriate strategy. In 1944, he secretly proposed that all Serbian Nationalist forces (Serbian Volunteer Corps, Serbian State Guard and Serbian Chetniks from Serbia, Montenegro and Hercegovina) should evacuate to Slovenia, where (together with Slovenian nationalists) a United nationalist front to combat the communists would be formed. This plan was never realised because of disunity, and Serbian nationalists that escaped communist terror broke up and emigrated elsewhere. On April 23rd, 1945, while on his way to a meeting with nationalist and Church leaders, Dimitrije Ljotic was tragically killed in a car accident in Slovenia, where he was later buried.

    In the war years, thousands of ZBOR members formed the "Serbian Volunteer Corps" (SDK), commanded by General Kosta Musicki, that fought valiantly against communist "partisan" hordes the entire war. Dimitrije Ljotic was during the war, as in peace, a political and spiritual leader who inspired his fighters on the front lines. "Serbian Volunteers" (SDK), with other anti-Communists, were largely successful in driving the Communists from Serbia and scattering them throughout the surrounding province. Within several months, law and order were restored. In German military documents, "The Volunteers" are mentioned as one of the best anti-communist guerrilla formations in all of Europe. In November 1944, the part of Serbian Volunteer Corps was transferred to the Waffen-SS, renamed as the "Serbisches Freilligen Korps der SS" and fought as a Waffen-SS unit on the Eastern front until the end of the war.
    Following Ljotic's sudden and tragic death, the fortunes of the Serb nationalists cause rapidly declined, and shortly afterwards the small part of the nationalist forces (Chetniks mostly) crossed to Italy. A larger group of several SDK regiments and most of the Slovenian "Domobran" units (together they numbered over 100.000 fighters), after some months of continous and bitter clashes with the communists, eventually retreated to Austria. Tragically, they were all captured by the Britons and forcibly transported back into Yugoslavia. At Tito's orders they were summarily machine-gunned and then thrown in the caves of Kocevski Rog and other places in Slovenia. It was three weeks after the war ended and a very few have succeeded in saving their lives.

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    NEITHER FASCISM NOR HITLERISM

    Fascism and Hitlerism are well known movements, that were in war times in Italy and Germany conceived and created by Mussolini and Hitler.
    In their countries they managed to gather large groups of people. It is certain that by this they did their countries great favor- and are still doing it.
    Still our movement, other than certain appeared similarities does not have any connection with this movements.
    Apparent similarity comes from similar negative view to liberal democracy and parliamentary, positive view towards the idea of noble society order and bigger dependence on social realities.
    As with many ideological movements we saw that liberal democracy and parliamentary an empty shell, that life has left them long time ago and developed even though they by their purpose rule it - life. They did not manage to reach and see it.
    But these views are not just in fascism and Hitlerism, but bolshevism and Rooseveltism and many other movements that are different.
    It is our view that natural division of labor in society, that separates people to different occupations should stay an important issue not only for certain groups of people in socio-economic spheres, but in political view as well.
    This view is not original or specific to Hitlerism and Fascism but of other movements that like us are in disagreement with Hitlerism and fascism.
    Out of all of this we can determine if people were making decisions on apparent views many different movements would be put in the same group.
    Other than these similarities there are deep rooted differences in ideological and constructive views.
    1. above all our movement grew spontaneous based on our socio-political troubles.
    It didn't take shape in mind of one or two man or in a specific place. But people of good will in different places not knowing of one another, thinking about troubles of their people had same thoughts.
    You cannot sit with folded arms, you have to take a decisive stance towards unfairness and troubles that you are encountering. That stance, like a flag, than has to be put out in the open. People should be able to gather under that flag.
    And when there is enough strength, the unfairness and troubles will fall by themselves.
    Our movement grew out of true feelings of our troubles and our unfairness out of understanding that we have to fight against that., out of belief that our people are healthy and strong enough and that we have enough sons to keep up the fight.
    Even if there was no Hitlerism and fascism, which are ideologically different than our movement, our movement would had to be started in our country.
    At the very least the movement of believers of done solutions, other methods and others experience would be born.
    2. Both fascism and Hitlerism take root from old pagan and old German concepts.
    Fascism is deification of the state. Hitlerism if deification if race
    Looking at any state or race as deity means not seeing it and taking an atheistic non Christian world view.
    Us as Slavs and Christians cannot stand with such beliefs.
    Above state and race by our beliefs stand infinitely bigger values. Both state and race, by our belief, are only worth as mush as people in it.
    By different belief state and race are absolute measure in this relative world.
    From this is possible that fascism declares its selfishness a deity, and Hitlerism its anger.
    From this it is understandable how us Slavs are different from Hitlerism and fascism.
    3.Fascism and Hitlerism, from these ideal, consider themselves as only tools for worshiping state and race, consider themselves and absolute measurement of their countries.
    We do not consider our work infallible, even if we do have deep belief in our ideals, we discover that it just like everything else demand constant objective overseeing.
    4. Fascism and Hitlerism have a need to last. In their concept of a country they consider that the state even after it becomes structured as they see it still needs them. They consider that for the country to last in needs to keeps Hitlerism and Fascism, and when they disappear the country will fall.
    Unlike that our movement considers itself passable. It should help the state and people and when certain problems are solved it should fade away.
    That is why Hitlerism and fascism are in no hurry to give definite shape to their states.
    We clearly if that is possible state that our only job is solving hardships and problems of our people and state.
    5. We re against parliamentary but not against parliament we are not against involvement of those chosen by people in country's laws and supervision of the government, we are actually for real parliament.
    We are for parliament to such extent that some true parliamentarians told us that in our plan parliament is too strong.
    Parliaments today is system of government confusion and irresponsibility. Unlike that we put an emphasis on true governance and accountability.
    Fascism and Hitlerism as we discussed earlier do not want to create such institution that will put their rule under scrutiny.
    6. We want to accept nobility as great social reality for their influence for state life.
    Differently than fascism and Hitlerism we want them true and strong and free. Under one condition do accept to work as a part of one institution under supervision of their organization and state.
    Fascism and Hitlerism because of their views of the state put nobility in their ranks in make them respect party discipline.
    Fascism and Hitlerism consider themselves absolute organs of the state, race, and take away the freed of the ruler, representatives, nobility, courts, army, and the press.
    Unlike that we stand that every social function must be true and real with that same responsibility.
    That is why we do not look like Hitlerism and Fascism.

    Dimitrije Ljotic

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