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Thread: The Crux of the Putin-Xi Revolution for a New World Order – Arresting the Slide to Nihilism

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    Default The Crux of the Putin-Xi Revolution for a New World Order – Arresting the Slide to Nihilism

    The Crux of the Putin-Xi Revolution for a New World Order – Arresting the Slide to Nihilism

    By Alastair Crooke

    It becomes questionable whether the West can compete as a civilisational state and maintain a presence.

    The world ‘Map’ is accelerating its shift away from the paralysed Washington ‘hub’ – but to what? The myth that China, Russia, or the non-western world can be fully assimilated to a Western model of political society (any more than Afghanistan was) is over. So to where are we headed?

    The myth of the pull of acculturation into western post-modernity lingers on however, in the continuing western fantasy of pulling China away from Russia, and into an embrace with U.S. Big Business.

    The bigger point here is that former wounded civilisations are reasserting themselves: China and Russia – as states organised around indigenous culture – is not a new idea. Rather, it is a very old one: “Always remember that China is a civilization – and not nation-state”, Chinese officials repeat regularly.

    Nonetheless, the shift to civilisational statehood emphasised by those Chinese officials arguably is no rhetorical device but reflects something deeper and more radical. Moreover, the culture transition is gaining wide emulation across the globe. Its inherent radicalism however, is largely lost to western audiences.

    Chinese thinkers, such as Zhang Weiwei, accuse Western political ideas of being a sham; of masking their deeply partisan ideological character beneath a veneer of supposedly neutral principles. They are saying that the mounting of a universal framework of values – applicable to all societies – is finished.

    All of us must accept that we speak only for ourselves and our societies.

    This has arisen because the non-West now sees clearly that post-modern West is not a civilisation per se,but really something akin to a de-cultured ‘operating system’ (managerial technocracy). Europe of the Renaissance did consist of civilisational states, but subsequent European nihilism changed the very substance of modernity. The West promotes its universal-value stance, however, as though it be a set of abstract scientific theorems which have universal validity.

    The accompanying promise to the latter that traditional ways of life could be preserved under the wholesale application of these intentionally secular western norms – ones that demanded enforcement by the western political class – has proved a fatal conceit, these alternative thinkers contend.

    Such notions are not confined to the Orient. Samuel Huntington, in his bookThe Clash of Civilizations, argued that Universalism is the ideology of the West contrived forconfronting other cultures. Naturally, everyone outside the West, Huntington argued, should see the idea of ‘one world’as a threat.

    The return to plural civilisational matrices precisely is intended tobreakthe West’s claim to speak – or to decide – for anyone other than themselves.

    Some will see this Russo-Chinese defiance as mere jockeying for strategic ‘space’; as a rationale to their claims for distinct ‘spheres of interest’. Yet, to understand its radical underside, we should recall that the transition to civilisation states amounts to a full-throated resistance (short of war) being mounted by two wounded civilisations. Both Russians (post-the 1990s) and Chinese (in the Great Humiliation) feel this deeply. Today, they are intent to reassert themselves, forcefully in uttering: ‘Never Again!’

    What ‘lit the fuse’ was the moment when China’s leaders saw – in the plainest terms – that the U.S. had no intention whatsoever to allow China to overtake it economically. Russia of course, already knew the plan to destroy her. Even the smallest amount of empathy is sufficient to understand that recovery from profound trauma is what binds Russia and China (and Iran) together in a joint ‘interest’ that transcends mercantile gain. It is ‘that’ which allows them to say: Never again!

    One part to their radicalism therefore, is the national rejuvenation that propels these two states to ‘step confidently onto the world stage’; to emerge from the western shadow, and to stop mimicking the West. And to stop assuming that technological or economic advance can only be found within the western liberal-economic ‘way’. For, it follows from Zang’s analysis, that the West’s economic ‘laws’ similarly are a simulacrum posing as scientific theorems: A cultural discourse – but not an universal system.

    When we consider that today’s Anglo-American world view rests on the shoulders of three men: Isaac Newton, the father of western science; Jean-Jacques Rousseau, the father of liberal political theory, and Adam Smith, the father of laissez-faire economics, it is plain that what we confront here are the authors of the ‘Cannon’ of individualism (in the wake of the Protestant triumph in Europe’s 30 years’ war). From it comes the doctrine that the most prosperous future for the greatest number of people comes from the free workings of the market.

    Be that as it may, Zhang and others have noted that the western focus on ‘finance’ has come at the expense of ‘stuff’ (the real economy) and has proved to be a recipé for extreme inequalities and social strife. Zhang argues contrarily that China is poised to evolve a new kind of non-Western modernity that others – especially in the developing world – can only admire, if not emulate.

    The decision has been made: The West then, in this view, can either ‘shut up, and put up’ – or not. So be it.

    Steeped in cynicism, the West sees this stance as bluff or posturing. What values, they ask, lie behind this new order; what economic model? Implying again thatuniversal conformityis mandatory, and thus missing Zhang’s point completely. Universality is neither necessary, nor sufficient. It never ‘was’.

    In 2013, President Xigavea speech which sheds much light on the shifts in Chinese policy. And though its analysis was firmly focused on the causes to the Soviet implosion, Xi’s exposition very clearly intended a wider meaning.

    In his address, Xi attributed the break-up of the Soviet Union to ‘ideological nihilism’: The ruling strata, Xi asserted, had ceased to believe in the advantages and the value of their ‘system’, yet lacking any other ideological coordinates within which to situate their thinking, the élites slid unto nihilism:

    “Once theParty loses the control of the ideology, Xi argued, once it fails to provide a satisfactory explanation for its own rule, objectives and purposes, it dissolves into a party of loosely connected individuals linked only by personal goals of enrichment and power”. “TheParty is then taken over by‘ideological nihilism’”.

    This, however, was not the worst outcome. The worst outcome, Xi noted, would be the state taken over by people with no ideology whatsoever, but with an entirely cynical and self-serving desire to rule.

    Put simply: Were China to lose its sense of a Chinese ‘rationale’, embedded for over a millennia in a unitary state with strong institutions guided by a disciplined Party, “the CPC, as great a Party as the CPSU was — would be scattered like a flock of frightened beasts! The Soviet Union — as great a socialist state as it was — ended shattered into pieces”.

    There can be little doubt: President Putin would concur with Xi whole-heartedly. The existential threat to Asia is to allow its states to assimilate into soulless western nihilism. This then, is the crux of the Xi-Putin revolution: Lifting the fog and blinkers imposed by the universalist meme to permit states a return to cultural rejuvenation.

    These principles were in action at the G20 in Bali. Not only did the G7 fail to get the wider G20 to condemn Russia over Ukraine, or to insert a wedge between China and Russia, but rather, the Manichean offensive targeting of Russia produced something even more significant for the Middle-East than the paralysis and lack of tangible results, described by the media:

    It produced wide and opendefiance of the western order. It spurred pushback – at the very moment that the world political ‘map’ is on the move, and as therush towards BRICS+is gathering pace.

    Why does this matter?

    Because the ability of western powers to spin their spiders’ web notion that their ‘ways’ should be World’s ways, remains the West’s ‘secret weapon’. This is plainly said when western leaders say that a loss in Ukraine to Russia would mark the demise of the ‘Liberal Order’. They’re saying, as it were, that ‘our hegemony’ is contingent on the world seeing the western ‘way’ – astheir visionfor their future.

    Enforcement of the ‘Liberal Order’ largely has rested on the underpinning of an easy readiness of ‘western allies’ to fall into line with Washington’s instructions. It therefore is difficult to overplay the strategic significance of any withering of compliance to U.S. diktat. This is the ‘why’ to the war in Ukraine.

    The U.S.’ crown and sceptre are slipping. The peril of U.S. Treasury ‘N-bomb’ sanctions have been key to induced ‘allied’ compliance. But now, Russia, China and Iran have charted a clear path out from this thorny thicket, through dollar-free trading. The BRI initiative constitutes Eurasia’s economic ‘high road’. India, Saudi Arabia and Turkish inclusion (and now, anexpanded list of new membersare waiting to be signed up) give it an energy-based strategic content.

    Military deterrence has constituted the secondary pillar to the architecture of compliance to western models. But even that, though not gone, is lessened. In essence, smart cruise-missiles, drones, electronic warfare and – now – hypersonic missiles, have capsized the former paradigm. So too, has thegame-breaker eventof Russia joining with Iran as a military force multiplier.

    The U.S. Pentagon, even a few years ago,dismissedhypersonic weapons as ‘boutique’ and a ‘gimmick’. Wow – did they miscalculate on that one!

    Both Iran and Russia are at the forefront in complementary areas of military evolution. Both are in an existential fight. And both peoples possess the inner resources to sustain sacrifice from war. They will lead. China will lead from behind.

    Just to be clear: This Russo-Iranian link says: U.S. ‘deterrence’ in the Middle East itself now faces a formidable deterrent! Israel too, will need to ponder that.

    The Russo-Iranian force-multiplier relationship, theJerusalem Postopines: “provides proof that the two states … together – are better equipped to make good on their respective ambitions – to bring the West to its knees”.

    To fully understand the anxiety lying behindThe Postopinion piece, we must first grasp that the geography of the ‘shifting map’ towards a BRICS+ – new corridors, new pipelines, new waterway and railway networks – is but the outer mercantilist layer to a nesting Matryoshka doll. To unstack to the inner doll layers is to espy in the final innermost Matryoshka – a layer of kindled energy and confidence latent to the whole.

    What is missing? Well, the fire that finally bakes the New Order Z -‘dish’; the event that instantiates the new World Order.

    Netanyahu keeps threatening Iran. Even to Israeli ears however his words seemstale andpassé. The U.S. does not want to be led by Netanyahu into war. And without the U.S., Israel cannot act alone. The recent MEK-ledattempt towreak havocin Iran reeks somehow of a ‘last resort’ push.

    Will the U.S. try some risky game-changer in Ukraine to ‘take out’ Russia? It’s possible. Or might it try to derail China somehow?

    Is a Mega-clash inevitable? After all, what is in prospect is not the dominance of any one civilization, but a return to the natural, old order of non-universal realms of influence. There is no reason in logic for a Western boycott to try to explode the shift – except one:

    In any assimilation to what this future portends, the collective West inexorably must become a civilizational stateper se –simply to maintain an enduring presence in the world. But the West has opted for a different route (as Bruno Maçães, commentator and former Portuguese Secretary of State for European Affairs,writes):

    “[The West] wanted its political values to be accepted universally … In order to achieve this, a monumental effort of abstraction and simplification was needed … Properly speaking, it was not to be a civilization at all but something closer to an operating system … no more than an abstract framework within which different cultural possibilities could be explored. Western values were not to stand for one particular ‘way of life’ against another — they establish procedures, according to which those big questions (how to live) may later be decided”.

    Today, as the West turns away from its own key leitmotif – tolerance – and towards weird ‘cancel culture’ abstractions, it becomes questionable whether itcancompete as a civilisational state and maintain a presence. And if it can’t?

    A new order may come into being following one of two events:The West may simply self-destruct, following some systemic financial ‘breakage’, and the consequent economic contraction. Or, alternatively a Russian decisive victory in Ukraine just may be enough finally to ‘cook the dish’.


    https://www.lewrockwell.com/2022/12/...e-to-nihilism/
    Last edited by JamesBond007; 12-02-2022 at 01:17 AM.

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    *bump I had to edit the original post a bunch of times because the formatting was off since words were not clearly delineated*

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    Samuel Huntington, in his book The Clash of Civilizations, argued that Universalism is the ideology of the West contrived for confronting other cultures. Naturally, everyone outside the West, Huntington argued, should see the idea of ‘one world’ as a threat.

    Up to a point, but Islam is also very universalistic and imperialistic in its outlook, even if its values are rather different to the West. Also, however much China might come to dominate militarily and economically, English will still be the world's lingua franca and Hollywood will still dominate global popular culture, at least in the mid-term future.

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    New Cope Order.

    Quote Originally Posted by Dorian View Post
    We GrecoRomansIberians once did the mistake of civilizing these cave-dwellers ,I suggest we make an alliance with muslims to accelerate their takeover
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    It's OK to date girls 16+ they are not children remember the old song 'sweet sixteen'
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    Quote Originally Posted by sean View Post
    New Cope Order.

    When your education comes from reddit you'll always fail

    I will start with the second article, which unlike the first article doesn't come from a low IQ British tabloid. Anyone who is familiar with the Russians knows they will use nuclear weapons if they're invaded and losing. They've openly said this many times. Their cities are prepared for a nuclear war.

    So no China won't invade Siberia because they're not retarded.

    For better or worse China will throw in its lot with Russia because it can't work with the US. At least with Russia, they'll be equals. No one in a relationship with the US is treated like an equal (well, I should say Israel/US). You do as you're told.

    The first article gave me a chuckle. A US administration official says something... Well, what a shocker that what he says is exactly what you'd expect him to say. The people who think the Russian military is being humiliated on the field are the same people who think Russian artillery can't hit anything with accuracy that is a distance of an American football field. It's a meat grinder war and the Ukrainians are the ones being ground down. Your education and information come from Reddit and so you don't have a clue about what I'm talking about.
    Last edited by Colonel Frank Grimes; 12-02-2022 at 05:00 AM.

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    Quote Originally Posted by Tooting Carmen View Post
    Samuel Huntington, in his book The Clash of Civilizations, argued that Universalism is the ideology of the West contrived for confronting other cultures. Naturally, everyone outside the West, Huntington argued, should see the idea of ‘one world’ as a threat.

    Up to a point, but Islam is also very universalistic and imperialistic in its outlook, even if its values are rather different to the West. Also, however much China might come to dominate militarily and economically, English will still be the world's lingua franca and Hollywood will still dominate global popular culture, at least in the mid-term future.
    Islam, Hollywood ?LOL :

    Dutch Resist US Call to Ban More Chip Equipment Sales to China :

    Netherlands-based ASML dominates market for advanced machines
    US pressing for export controls to blunt China’s capabilities

    https://www.bloomberg.com/news/artic...uverify%20wall

    Most people in Birmingham, Istanbul, St. Petersburg, and Mumbai are only dimly aware, if at all, of the rise of artificial intelligence and its potential impact on their lives. It is undoubtable, however, that the technological revolutions will gather momentum in the next few decades and will confront humankind with the hardest trials we have ever encountered. Any story that seeks to gain humanity’s allegiance will be tested above all in its ability to deal with the twin revolutions in infotech and biotech. If liberalism, nationalism, Islam, or some novel creed wishes to shape the world of the year 2050, it will need not only to make sense of artificial intelligence, Big Data algorithms, and bioengineering but also to incorporate them into a new and meaningful narrative.

    ...

    AI often frightens people because they don’t trust the AI to remain obedient. We have seen too many science-fiction movies about robots rebelling against their human masters, running amok in the streets, and slaughtering everyone. Yet the real problem with robots is exactly the opposite. We should fear them because they will probably always obey their masters and never rebel.


    ...perhaps the worst sin of present-day science fiction is that it tends to confuse intelligence with consciousness. As a result, it is overly concerned about a potential war between robots and humans, when in fact we need to fear a conflict between a small superhuman elite empowered by algorithms and a vast underclass of disempowered Homo sapiens. In thinking about the future of AI, Karl Marx is still a better guide than Steven Spielberg.

    ...

    In the late twentieth century democracies usually outperformed dictatorships because democracies were better at data processing. A democracy diffuses the power to process information and make decisions among many people and institutions, whereas a dictatorship concentrates information and power in one place. Given twentieth-century technology, it was inefficient to concentrate too much information and power in one place. Nobody had the ability to process all the information fast enough and make the right decisions. This is part of the reason the Soviet Union made far worse decisions than the United States, and why the Soviet economy lagged far behind the American economy.

    However, soon AI might swing the pendulum in the opposite direction. AI makes it possible to process enormous amounts of information centrally. In fact, AI might make centralized systems far more efficient than diffused systems, because machine learning works better the more information it can analyze. If you disregard all privacy concerns and concentrate all the information relating to a billion people in one database, you can train much better algorithms than if you respect individual privacy and have in your database only partial information on a million people. For example, if an authoritarian government orders all its citizens to have their DNA scanned and to share all their medical data with some central authority, it would gain an immense advantage in genetics and medical research over societies in which medical data is strictly private. The main handicap of authoritarian regimes in the twentieth century—the attempt to concentrate all information in one place—might become their decisive advantage in the twenty-first century.

    As algorithms come to know us so well, authoritarian governments could gain absolute control over their citizens, even more so than in Nazi Germany, and resistance to such regimes might be utterly impossible. Not only will the regime know exactly how you feel, but it could make you feel whatever it wants. The dictator might not be able to provide citizens with healthcare or equality, but he could make them love him and hate his opponents. Democracy in its present form cannot survive the merger of biotech and infotech. Either democracy will successfully reinvent itself in a radically new form or humans will come to live in “digital dictatorships.”

    This will not be a return to the days of Hitler and Stalin. Digital dictatorships will be as different from Nazi Germany as Nazi Germany was different from ancien régime France. Louis XIV was a centralizing autocrat, but he did not have the technology to build a modern totalitarian state. He suffered no opposition to his rule, yet in the absence of radios, telephones, and trains, he had little control over the day-to-day lives of peasants in remote Breton villages, or even of townspeople in the heart of Paris. He had neither the will nor the ability to establish a mass party, a countrywide youth movement, or a national education system.30 It was the new technologies of the twentieth century that gave Hitler both the motivation and the power to do such things. We cannot predict the motivations and powers of digital dictatorships in 2084, but it is very unlikely that they will just copy Hitler and Stalin. Those gearing themselves up to refight the battles of the 1930s might be caught off guard by an attack from a totally different direction.


    Even if democracy manages to adapt and survive, people might become the victims of new kinds of oppression and discrimination. Today more and more banks, corporations, and institutions are already using algorithms to analyze data and make decisions about us. For example, when you apply to your bank for a loan, it is likely that your application will be processed by an algorithm rather than by a human being. The algorithm analyzes lots of data about you and statistics about millions of other people and decides whether you are reliable enough to receive a loan. Often the algorithm does a better job than a human banker. But the problem is that if the algorithm discriminates against some people unjustly, it is difficult to know that. If the bank refuses to give you a loan, and you ask, “Why?,” the bank replies, “The algorithm said no.” You ask, “Why did the algorithm say no? What’s wrong with me?,” and the bank replies, “We don’t know. No human understands this algorithm, because it is based on advanced machine learning. But we trust our algorithm, so we won’t give you a loan.”

    When discrimination is directed against entire groups, such as women or blacks, these groups can organize and protest against their collective discrimination. But now an algorithm might discriminate against you personally, and you will have no idea why. Maybe the algorithm will find something in your DNA, your personal history, or your Facebook account that it does not like. The algorithm discriminates against you not because you are a woman or an African American but because you are you. You don’t know the exact reasons, and even if you knew, you would not be able to organize a protest with other people, because there are no other people suffering the exact same prejudice. Instead of just collective discrimination, in the twenty-first century we might face a growing problem of individual discrimination.

    At the highest levels of authority, we will probably retain human figureheads, who will give us the illusion that the algorithms are only advisers and that ultimate authority is still in human hands. We will not appoint an AI to be the chancellor of Germany or the CEO of Google. However, the decisions taken by the chancellor and the CEO will be shaped by AI. The chancellor could still choose between several different options, but all those options will be the outcome of Big Data analysis, and they will reflect the way AI views the world more than the way humans view it.

    To take an analogous example, today politicians all over the world can choose between several different economic policies, but in almost all cases the various policies on offer reflect a capitalist outlook on economics. The politicians have an illusion of choice, but the really important decisions have already been made much earlier by the economists, bankers, and business people who shaped the different options on the menu. Within a couple of decades, politicians might find themselves choosing from a menu written by AI.

    https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/...e-21st-century

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    Quote Originally Posted by Colonel Frank Grimes View Post
    When you education comes from reddit you'll always fail
    LOLOL

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    Quote Originally Posted by Colonel Frank Grimes View Post
    So no China won't invade Siberia because they're not retarded.
    China won't invade because Siberia has no oil,Russia's oil is at Caspian Sea,Siberia is useless.

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