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Thread: Genetics and Eastern Eurasian Archaeological Cultures and Ancient Populations

  1. #11
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    A different kind of yDNA O1b

    yDNA O1b MA912 (ancient from Malaysia) was modeled using Devil’s Gate (Northeast Asia) in "Human population history at the crossroads of East and Southeast Asia since 11,000 years ago"

    MA912 is from Gua Cha (Malaysia). He is buried at the Neolithic farmer cemetery (Phase 2) 2447 years ago. His yDNA is O1b1a1a1b1, his mtDNA is M13c ( https://www.biorxiv.org/content/10.1...374v1.full.pdf )

    The best qpAdm model for him in "Human population history at the crossroads of East and Southeast Asia since 11,000 years ago" is the following:

    Ma912_G2=6% Devil’s Gate + 94% Longlin. PValue=0,1.

    The model with Devil’s Gate had higher Pvalue than models with Boshan (yDNA N) and Qihe3 (likely yDNA O). Female-only model (Liangdao2+Longlin) had lower Pvalue than models with Boshan (yDNA N) and Qihe3 (likely yDNA O).

    Longlin is female. Devil’s Gate male samples usually contained only yDNA C2b (see https://www.biorxiv.org/content/10.1...829v1.full.pdf).

    The only sample containing a male y chromosome (yDNA C2b) in this model can be from the Devil’s Cave series. A selection used by Qiaomei Fu for another article was NEO239 (male yDNA C2b/mtDNA D4m) NEO236 (female, mtDNA D4) NEO238 (female, mtDNA D4) NEO240 (female, mtDNA D4m) https://www.cell.com/cms/10.1016/j.c...eb61ea22b/mmc2

    If Devil’s Gate samples used in this article are the same, then only Devil’s Gate NEO239 (male yDNA C2b/mtDNA D4m) has a male y chromsome C2b. In any case, Pvalue for Devil’s Gate is the highest one and is higher than for female-only models, making it extremely likely that yDNA C2b was present in the model for Ma912_G2 (yDNA O1b1a1a1b1).

    Devil’s Gate does not have any male samples with yDNA other than C2b.

    Models with Boshan (yDNA N) and Qihe3 (likely yDNA O) yielded lower Pvalue than the model with Devil’s Gate.

    Devil’s Gate samples are neolithic (ca. 7500 BP (7500 years before present) ), they are much older than the spread of language families, whose speakers include a lot of yDNA C2b bearers (cf. Martine Robbeets “Language family node ages were informed by age priors (…), Mongolic 750 BP ± 50, Tungusic 1900 BP ± 275, ). These calibrations are supported by chronological estimations proposed in linguistic literature (Supplementary Data 18).”). As it is unlikely that yDNA O1b1a1a1b1 of MA912 was influenced by northern C2b of Devil’s Gate; the other possibility implies the influence from a population of yDNA O1b bearers onto Devil’s Gate’s C2b males.

    In order to enhance the mysteriousness of yDNA O1b1a1a1b1 Ma912_G2 Devil’s Gate connection, let us have a look at model for other yDNA O1b samples in "Human population history at the crossroads of East and Southeast Asia since 11,000 years ago"
    Ancient Long Long Rak (Thailand) G4 series include (https://www.biorxiv.org/content/10.1...4v1.full.pdf):
    Th519 mtDNA B5a1d yDNA N
    Th521 mtDNA F1f yDNA O1b1a1a1b
    Th703 mtDNA B5a1d yDNA NO
    Th530 mtDNA G2b1a yDNA IJK
    It can be modeled using Bianbian (N-M231 male) + Longlin (female) (Pvalue=0,082), but a slightly higher Pvalue (Pvalue=0,084) is obtained when G4 series is modeled using Bianbian (N-M231 male) + Qihe3 (likely yDNA O male) (see https://www.cell.com/cms/10.1016/j.c...a9bd51a41/mmc3)

    Ancient Loyang Ujung Karung (Indonesia) G5 series include
    In661 Late Neolithic-Iron Age, flexed burials 1866 ± 26 years ago, female, mtDNA F1a1a
    In662 Late Neolithic-Iron Age, flexed burials 2199 ± 82 years ago, male mtDNA M20, yDNA O1b
    G5=66,5% Qihe3 + 33,5% Hoabinhian. PValue=0,47.

    Thus, G4 series where there is one yDNA O1b1a1a1b is slightly better modeled using Qihe3 (likely yDNA O male), G5 series where there is one yDNA O1b is solely modeled using Qihe3 (likely yDNA O male). Unlike Ydna O1b1a1a1b1 MA912, none of these O1b-related series needs Devil’S Gate to be modeled preferring Qihe3.
    The TMRCA of O1b1a1a1b1 is 6300 years ago with MA912 being the basal branch, according to Yfull.
    The TMRCA of O1b1a1a1b is 8000 years ago, according to Yfull.

    So at least O1b1a1a1b1 MA912 (Malaysia) needs Devil’s Gate population which was possibly influenced by some O1b bearers’ people in Northeast Asia.
    Devil’s Gate (7500 years old) is older than the TMRCA of O1b1a1a1b1 (6300 years), so there might have been some closer interaction within the O1b continuum rather than directly between O1b1a1a1b1 MA912 (Malaysia) and northern C2b people of Devil’s Gate proper. Was there any ancient civilization (in the Lower Yangtze River basin?) to mediate such an influence???

  2. #12
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    The fate of hg N-M231 in Japan

    Table 1 Frequencies (%) of Japanese haplogroups in six Japanese populations
    https://www.nature.com/articles/jhg20068/tables/1

    The Aomori prefecture of Japan is not the only place where yDNA N haplogroup was found (probably N-F2905 branch), another place being Shizuoka prefecture to the south of Tokyo (probably also N-F2905 branch) and Tokushima prefecture on the Shikoku island in the southern part of Japan (N-M178 branch in Hammer at el, 2006). Interestingly, in the older mtDNA articles, high shares of rare mtDNA M* was reported for some of ancient Liaohe sites. I noticed that Japanese researchers carefully gathered and tied all rare, but “prospective” mtDNA M branches (formerly designated as M*) found in Northeast China to the mtDNA M* of the ancient Goyet Q116-1 specimen in Belgium, Europe. This is where they probably would see ancient N haplogroup living, rather than in ancient Lioahe River Basin and ancient Shandong sites, simultaneously being suporters of Southeast Asian homeland for O-M175. However, it is unknown if these M* haplogroups were really connected to yDNA N populations (for example, mtDNA M33c which appeared to be a regular Chinese mtDNA haplogroup). Taking the above into account, it is interesting to know the source of higher unspecified yDNA K2 shares in some Japanese pieces of research, where yDNA N does not appear at all.

    There are multiple attempts to connect the Japanese language to various languages in the world, including those spoken in ancient civilizations. J. Marshall Unger was mentioned in this topic as supporter of Japanese links with Korean and Tungusic, and, alongside Manchu and Korean, Unger even cites Sumerian (Yoshiwara 1991) or Native American Zuñi (Davis 2001) as two exceedingly far-fetched candidates with which Japanese has been compared.
    https://www.academia.edu/79477015/No..._as_an_Isolate
    No Rush to Judgment : The Case against Japanese as an Isolate J. Marshall Unger

    The territory of the Tokushima prefecture mentioned in the yDNA list above (https://www.nature.com/articles/jhg20068/tables/1) may have been one of the early territories subject to the Yamato kingdom’s rule.

    Tokushima site is Japan’s oldest mine, newfound artifacts suggest
    THE ASAHI SHIMBUN
    March 17, 2019 at 07:30 JST

    ANAN, Tokushima Prefecture--Ruins found here indicate Japan began mining more than five centuries earlier than thought, and make this southern city home to its oldest mine, officials said.
    Earthenware fragments, likely dating to the late Yayoi Pottery Culture period (300 B.C.-A.D. 300), were found at the Wakasugiyama archaeological site, showing that mining had presumably already started by that age, Anan's city government and the Tokushima Prefecture education board announced on March 1.
    Ruins of the Naganobori copper mine in Mine, Yamaguchi Prefecture, dating to sometime around the eighth century, had been believed to be the nation’s oldest ore mine.
    The Wakasugiyama ruins are thought to be of an ancient mine for the mineral cinnabar, the raw material for vermilion.
    Cinnabar is a chemical compound that combines mercury and sulfur, officials with the city government’s culture promotion division and other sources said.
    In ancient times, the faces of dead people, caskets, stone chambers of burial mounds and other items were daubed with powder made by grinding rock containing cinnabar.
    Vermillion was then seen as a symbol of authority. Weizhi Worenzhuan (Accounts of the Wa people, Records of Wei), a section in a Chinese history book describing the Three Kingdoms period of the third century, says that mountains of Wa (Japanese islands) produced cinnabar, which Queen Himiko of Wa presented as a gift to a Chinese dynasty.
    A tunnel, likely used for mining, and a strip-mining site were uncovered earlier at the Wakasugiyama site, Japan’s only archaeological ruins of a cinnabar mine.
    The earthenware fragments were excavated during a study earlier this fiscal year, from the ruins of the tunnel on the side of 245-meter Mount Wakasugiyama, which is 0.7-1.2 meters tall, about 3 meters wide in its central section and 12.7 meters deep. Five fragments had features characteristic of earthenware from the late Yayoi Pottery Culture period.
    The Wakasugiyama site has also produced earthenware with features associated with other regions of Japan, including Sanin and Kinki. That indicates that interactions involving cinnabar covered broad geographical areas.
    “Given that Weizhi Worenzhuan mentions the availability of cinnabar, vermillion production in third-century western Japan was likely drawing the attention of Chinese,” said Hironobu Ishino, honorary director of the Hyogo Prefectural Museum of Archaeology, who is an archaeologist himself. “It is quite significant that the availability of the mineral has emerged more clearly in the form of an archaeological site.”
    (This article was written by Tsunetaka Sato and Yoshito Watari.)

    https://www.jstage.jst.go.jp/article..._html/-char/en
    Determination of Sources of Vermilion Used in Japanese Burial Mound of Yayoi and Kofun Periods
    Maya Kawano, Akinori Takeuchi, Kazuya Takahashi, Setsuo Imazu, Takeshi Minami
    “In addition, Wakasugiyama in modern Tokushima Prefecture is well known for remains from the Yayoi period and many antiquities, including vermilion, have been excavated from near the Sui cinnabar mine.”
    “Although the sulfur isotope ratio did not differ between Yamato-Suigin and Sui mines, it is thought that both were within the radius of the ancient Yamato dynasty.”

    Tokushima (TOK)
    D-P37.1 – 25.7%
    O-P31 – 32.9%
    O-M122 – 21.4%
    C-M8 – 10%
    C-M217 – 2.8%
    N – 7.1%

  3. #13
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    The appearance of ALDH2 and ADH1B alleles (the ones linked by the Japanese scientists with "the distribution of rice farmers to Japan") in the Tibetan Plateau's Zongri culture's yDNA N-M231-rich population

    Exploring the genetic diversity of the Japanese Population: Insights from a Large-Scale Whole Genome Sequencing Analysis
    “Both the non-synonymous A allele of ALDH2 rs671 and the C allele of ADH1B rs1229984 affect the retention of acetaldehyde in the body and cause alcohol flush in Asians [17,18]. These alleles have been suggested to be associated with Japanese dietary habits and diseases, such as esophageal cancer [34,35]. Previous studies have hypothesized that positive selection may have acted to maintain acetaldehyde in the blood against parasite infection, which correlates with large-scale rice cultivation [36–39]. We also observed that the increase in the frequency of ADH1B occurred earlier than that of ALDH2, indicating that positive selection began to act at different times for these two genes (Fig 6A and 6B). Based on the geographic distribution of haplotype structures around ADH1B and ALDH2, according to Koganebuchi et al., positive selection on ADH1B rs1229984 started before the beginning of the Jomon period, while positive natural selection on ALDH2 began around 8,000 years ago, in association with the beginning of rice cultivation in China [39].”

    The data on ALDH2 and ADH1B in ancient Upper Yellow River Zongri and other “Tibetan Plateau” populations can be observed in Supplementary Table 23 “Human genetic history on the Tibetan Plateau in the past 5100 years”

    ALDH2 ADH1B
    rs671 rs1229984
    Zongri C4783_C202 4,0 17,0
    Zongri C050 0,0 4,0
    Zongri CSP054 0,0 0,0
    Zongri C4776 0,0 5,0
    Zongri C4777 3,0 11,0
    Zongri C4778 0,0 14,0
    Zongri C4782 1,0 17,0
    Zongri CSP046 0,0 2,0
    Zongri CSP047 0,0 5,0
    Zongri CSP057 0,0 0,0
    Zongri C4781 0,0 4,0
    Zongri C051 0,0 2,0
    Zongri C056 1,0 1,0
    Zongri C4774 0,0 7,0
    Zongri C4775 2,0 10,0
    Zongri C4779 0,0 4,0
    Zongri C4780 2,0 8,0
    Zongri C208 0,0 1,0
    Zongri CSP048 2,0 0,0
    Pukagongma CSP133 1,0 0,0
    Pukagongma CSP134 0,0 0,0
    Pukagongma CSP135 0,0 0,0
    Pukagongma CSP136 2,0 3,0
    Pukagongma CSP137 1,0 23,1
    Yushu C514 0,0 11,0
    Ousui C3991 2,0 5,0
    Butaxiongqu CSP144 1,0 6,0
    Gangre C5085 3,0 6,6
    Ounie C3993 0,0 0,0
    Ounie C5172_C3992 2,0 11,0
    Ounie C5173 9,0 25,0
    Chaxiutang CSP132 0,0 0,0
    Redilong CSP142 2,0 6,0
    Redilong CSP141 0,0 1,0
    Xiaoenda C1036 0,0 0,0
    Xiaoenda C1037 0,0 2,0
    Agangrong C3445 1,0 4,0
    Agangrong C3447_C5186 2,0 28,0
    Agangrong C3444 1,0 2,0
    Kangyu C5190 1,0 6,2
    Gutong C5169 0,0 0,0
    Tingcun C3430 2,0 4,0
    Jiesang C3455 0,0 3,0
    Jiesang C3456 0,0 0,0
    Nudagang C5146 2,0 24,0
    Nudagang C5148 2,0 25,0
    Nudagang C5149 1,0 0,0
    Yusa C5145 0,0 1,0
    Dama C5187 0,0 0,0
    Dama C5189 3,0 10,0
    Gachong C5144 4,0 25,0
    Rangjun C5150 0,0 1,0
    Shigou CSP130 1,0 10,0
    Lajue C1357 0,0 0,0
    Latuotanggu C3425 0,0 1,0
    Latuotanggu C3426 1,0 4,0
    Latuotanggu C3427 0,0 0,0
    Latuotanggu C3428 4,0 8,0
    Latuotanggu C5171 0,0 19,0
    Longsangquduo C5152 0,0 7,0
    Longsangquduo C5153 2,0 16,0
    Longsangquduo C5154 1,0 3,0
    Longsangquduo C5155 0,0 0,0
    Longsangquduo C5156 1,0 0,0
    Longsangquduo C5157 0,0 10,0
    Longsangquduo C5158 1,0 1,0
    Longsangquduo C5159 1,0 7,4
    Longsangquduo C5160 2,0 0,0
    Longsangquduo C5161 2,0 8,0
    Longsangquduo C5162 0,0 0,0
    Longsangquduo C5163 0,0 0,0
    Longsangquduo C5164 0,0 8,0
    Longsangquduo C5165 3,0 15,0
    Sila C403 1,0 4,0
    Sila C404 0,0 0,0
    Lubrak LUB001 1,0 0,0
    Lubrak LUB002 1,0 1,0
    Sding Chung C5417 0,0 15,0
    Zhangcun C5184 1,0 8,0
    Zhangcun C5185 0,0 0,0
    Chokhopani C1 6,1 6,0
    Mebrak M63 1,0 0,0
    Samdzong S10 1,0 5,0
    Samdzong S35 8,0 1,1
    Piyangjiweng C4563 0,0 1,0
    Piyangjiweng C4564 0,0 0,0
    Piyangjiweng C4566 2,0 13,2
    Piyangjiweng C4567 0,0 1,0
    Piyangjiweng C4569 0,0 2,0
    Piyangjiweng C4571 0,0 0,0
    Gelintang CSP147 0,0 14,0
    Chokhopani CNE1 6,0 8,0
    Rhirhi R1 2,0 4,0
    Rhirhi R2_R7 2,0 15,0
    Rhirhi R8 1,0 1,0
    Rhirhi_1drel R5 1,0 1,0
    Kyang KM4 9,0 20,0
    Kyang KS20_KS25 7,0 32,0
    Kyang KS21_KS23_KS4 2,0 20,0
    Kyang KS26 13,0 18,0
    Kyang KS5 14,0 14,0
    Kyang KS9 1,0 1,0
    Kyang_1drel KS8 2,0 7,0
    Mebrak M2113 4,0 23,0
    Mebrak M241 0,0 0,0
    Mebrak M295 5,0 14,0
    Mebrak M368 3,0 13,0
    Mebrak M4580 2,0 1,0
    Mebrak M4681 5,1 14,0
    Mebrak M63_M339_M359 2,0 6,0
    Mebrak_1drel M354 3,0 4,0
    Samdzong S10_S13 3,0 12,0
    Samdzong S143_S173 6,0 16,0
    Samdzong S153_S183 1,0 9,0
    Samdzong S8 3,0 9,0
    Samdzong S36 0,0 0,0
    Samdzong_1drel S18_S20_S21_S22 2,0 7,0
    Samdzong_1drel S29_S30 0,0 0,0
    Chokhopani CHO002 0,0 0,0
    Chokhopani CHO003 0,0 0,0
    Mebrak MEB006 0,0 0,0
    Suila SUI001 0,0 3,0
    Suila SUI002 0,0 1,0
    Samdzong SZG006 0,0 0,0
    Samdzong SZG007 0,0 0,0
    Last edited by Oasis; 07-17-2023 at 10:21 AM.

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    The parallels between Balto-Finnic myths and Tibeto-Burman myths

    The author of the article below regarded Balto-Finnic myths as ancient and treated the connection to the Tibeto-Burman myths as a mystery: “There seems to be some kind of affinity between the Balto-Finnic myths and those of Tibet, Assam, and some regions of China, while the Indo-European (Indian) version differs widely from them. […]The Balto-Finnic cosmogonic myth can be dated to the period antedating contact between Asia and Europe via the Silk Road.”
    https://journal.oraltradition.org/wp...15i/8_valk.pdf
    Oral Tradition, 15/1 (2000): 145-158
    Ex Ovo Omnia: Where Does the Balto-Finnic Cosmogony Originate? The Etiology of an Etiology
    Ülo Valk

    The idea that the cosmos was born from several eggs laid by a bird is found in the oldest Balto-Finnic myths that have been preserved thanks to the conservative form of runo song. Different versions of the Balto-Finnic creation song were known among the Estonians, the Finns of Ingria, the Votes, and the Karelians. 1 The Karelian songs were used by Elias Lönnrot in devising his redaction of the myth in the beginning of the epic Kalevala. Mythical thinking is concerned with questions about the origin of the world and its phenomena; etiologies provide the means to discover and transmit these secrets and to hold magical power over everything. The “quest for origins” has also determined the research interests of generations of scholars employing a diachronic approach. The evolutionist school has tried to reconstruct the primary forms of religion, while the structuralist school of folklore has attempted to discover the basic structures that lie latent behind the narrative surface. The etymologies of Max Müller were aimed at explaining the origin of myths; the geographic-historical or Finnish school once aimed at establishing the archetypes of different items of folklore. That endeavor to elucidate the primary forms and origins of phenomena as the main focus of scholarship can be seen as an expression of neo-mythical thinking. It has become clear that the etiological approach provides too narrow a frame for scholarship, since it cannot explain the meanings of folklore for tradition-bearers themselves, the processes of its transmission in a society, and other aspects that require synchronic interpretation. Thanks to long traditions of research, a large body of knowledge has been accumulated about the prehistory of Balto-Finnic runo songs and their relationship with the oral traditions of other peoples. In this article, I ask what we know about the origin of the cosmogonic myth of the “Creation song.” Some previous research is also reconsidered. The corresponding Estonian creation song has been recorded in more than 150 variants. One of the shortest among them is the following text, which presents no more than the fragmentary core of the myth:

    Pääsukeine, päevalindu Swallow, the sun-bird Tei ta pesa söödu pääle, Built a nest in the field, Munne kolmi muna sisse. Laid three eggs in it. Üits sai aoss alla ilma One became dawn to the nether world, Teine päevas pääle ilma, The second became sun to the upper world, Kolmas sai kuusse taevasse. 2 The third became moon into the sky.

    In versions from western Estonian coastal parishes the bird comes from the sea, flies to “our” paddock, and builds a nest in the bush or a tree. Sometimes the creation begins from an apple tree and an apple that has dropped into the waters. It is probable that the sea here designates the same primordial ocean as in Karelian songs, and we cannot exclude the possibility that the apple tree is a reflection of the cosmic world tree (which can be found in the imagery of some other Estonian mythical songs). The following is a fairly typical example of Estonian runo songs in which the epic plot is presented through lyrical elaboration:

    Mõistke mehed, mõistke naesed,— Guess men, guess women— Meri meie õue all, The sea is near our yard, Õunapuu saare keskeel. An apple-tree in the middle of the island. Tuli aga tuul ja tõstis tormi, The wind came and brought the storm, Akkas õuna õõtsutama, It started shaking the apple, Õõtsutas õuna meresse. Until it shook it into the sea. Merest aga tõusis kirju lindu; A many-colored bird rose from the sea, Lendas meie kopelisse, It flew to our paddock, Meie kopli kuuse otsa To the fir-tree growing in our paddock Akkas pesa tegema It started to build a nest Riegudest ja raagudest, Of branches and twigs, Maa murusta, puu purusta, Of grass and pieces of wood, Meie metsa lehtedest. Of leaves of our forest. Tegi kuu ja tegi kaks, It built the nest for a month, for two months, Paari päeva kolmat kuud. A couple of days of the third month. Siis akkas mune munema; Then it started to lay eggs, Munes kuu ja munes kaks, For a month, for two months, Siis akkas poegi auduma; Then it started to hatch young birds Audus kuu ja audus kaks. For a month, for two months. Siis akkas poegi jägama; Then it started to give the young birds away, Jägas kuu ja jägas kaks, For a month, for two months. Ühe andis armuss alla ilma, It gave one graciously (?) to the nether world, Teise pilvess peale ilma, The second became a cloud above the sky, Kolmas koidu tähesse, The third became the Morning Star, Nel’las põhja naelasse, The fourth the North Star, Viies vankriss vaatama, The fifth became the Great Bear, Kuies kuuss kumama, The sixth started to shine as the moon, Seitsmes sõelas seisema. The seventh to stand as the Pleiades. Sest me ajad arvame Thus can we tell the time Ja omad tunnid tunneme. 3 And know the hours.

    The number three is very common in Estonian songs: often three bushes (blue, red, and golden) are mentioned, the bird lays three eggs, the hatching lasts for three months. Besides this song, there are only a few traces of the myth in Estonian folklore. There was a traditional saying about the period between the old and the new moon, when no moon is visible; people observed that “the moon is in the nest” (kuu on pesas), expressing the idea that the moon is born in a nest, time and again. The sun was also said to be in the nest during solstices. A couple of prose redactions of the myth of cosmic eggs in the Estonian Folklore Archives originate from folklore collectors who were, most probably, acquainted with Kalevala and inspired by this epic. On the basis of different versions of the Balto-Finnic songs, Matti Kuusi has restored the common mythical story: “A heavenly bird (an eagle?) flies above the sea and looks for a place to build a nest. Having found it (a piece of sod?) the bird lays one or three eggs. The wind rolls them into the water and the sun, the moon and the stars (and heaven and earth?) are born of them” (Kuusi 1963:68). Also found in Karelian songs is a motif of the demiurge Väinämöinen uttering the words of creation that makes the earth and the sky from the shells of that egg. The Balto-Finnic cosmogonic myth has many international parallels. They are so numerous that it may initially seem that myths about cosmic egg(s) belong to the common traditions of mankind. An egg is a symbol of latent life force, fertility, and resurrection in many cultures, and the word denoting an egg often has sexual connotations. *Muna (“egg”) already had the parallel meaning “testicle” in the Proto-Uralic language (Rédei 1986:285). The Vedic and Sanskrit word an˝d˝a is also ambiguous, denoting egg, testicle, and sperm (Böhtlingk and Roth 1855:86). In the dream omens of Estonian folklore the egg is also connected with fertility: if a young wife dreams of finding a bird’s nest, it foretells pregnancy.4 However, belief in the cosmogonic function of an egg has not been found everywhere; there are, rather, four broad areas where myths about cosmic egg(s) belong to indigenous oral traditions: 1) the Balto-Finnic region; 2) the Eastern Mediterranean lands; 3) South Asia (China, Tibet, Indo-China, India); and 4) the Malay Archipelago, Oceania, and Australia. 5 Geographically, the closest parallels to the Balto-Finnic cosmogonic myth can be found in the folklore of other Finno-Ugric peoples. In a Lappish creation story, a duck lays five eggs upon a blade of grass on the ocean; vegetation, fish, birds, a man, and a woman hatch out of these eggs (Ajkhenvald et al. 1989:157). In Zyrjan (Komi) mythology the two dualistic demiurges Jen and Omol are born of two eggs laid by a bird. They break the four additional eggs and thus create sun and moon together with good and evil spirits. In Mordvinian folklore three goddesses or mother-spirits are born of three eggs laid by a bird on the cosmic birch-tree (Napolskikh 1991:29). The Uralic origin of these myths is doubtful because parallels in the Ob-Ugrian and Samoyed mythology have not been found. The Balto-Finnic creation myth is strikingly unique in Europe, with the above-mentioned Finno-Ugric parallels the only clear traces of the egg cosmogony in recent European folklore. Vladimir Toporov has discussed the hypothetical Russian parallels in his reconstruction of the myth of the world egg (1967). He relies upon some motifs in magic tales that describe the transformations of kingdoms of copper, silver, and bronze into eggs (balls, apples) (Aarne and Thompson 1961:no. 301). Eggs and round objects are universal symbols in tales of magic, and contraction is one of the basic rules applied in their artistic language (Holbek 1987:444-46). Attempts to draw conclusions about Proto-Indo-European mythology on such a basis cannot be convincing. As Toporov states (1967:82), explicit formulations of the myth of the cosmic egg have not been found in Slavic folklore. The Latvian version has turned out to be the falsification of a folklore collector, and the myth of the cosmic egg cannot be found in Lithuanian folklore either. The closest Lithuanian parallels are some dualistic legends in which the world is created from an apple floating in the primordial ocean.6 Different versions of the myth of the world egg occur in the mythology of ancient Egypt. According to the priests of Hermopolis, Thoth, the god of wisdom and the moon-god, was the true demiurge who hatched the world-egg on the primordial ocean in the shape of the divine ibis-bird. The sun-god Ra was born of the primeval egg (Viaud 1989:27). A few traces of the myth of the cosmic egg can be found in the Phoenician traditions described by the Jewish philosopher Philo and some Greek authors (see Delaporte 1989:82). The oldest Greek cosmogony, Hesiod’s Theogony, does not mention the cosmic egg; it seems to be a rather specific trait of the Orphic tradition. The speculations of the Orphics about the origin of the world include the motif of the cosmic egg, expressing the notion of implicit totality. The demiurge Eros, Phanes, or Protogonos was said to be born from it. 7 The Orphic cosmogony has been preserved only in fragments and is a metaphysical system rather than a primitive or popular mythology. It is noteworthy that this system has some parallels with the Vedic and epic cosmogonies of India, for example the motif that the world emerges from sexual desire, or passion (ka≠ma in India). 8 But it is probable that the concept of cosmic egg was borrowed from the traditions of other peoples just like many other pieces of Greek mythology, and that it did not emerge from the Indo-European heritage. To emphasize the Indo-European origin of the myth, many authors have cited ancient Indian texts (upanis˝ads, pura≠n˝as, Manu-Smr˝ti, Maha≠bha≠rata). However, the oldest source, the Rig Veda Sam≥hita≠, does not prove that the myth about the cosmic egg was known among the Aryan tribes who invaded India. This collection of 1028 hymns introduces diverse cosmogonic myths, most of them collected in the last and most recent (tenth) mandala, and several presented as fragments of knowledge that lie hidden behind the verses. Two passages formulate the idea of a golden germ, womb, seed, or embryo (hiran˝yagarbha) floating in the primeval water: That which is beyond the sky and beyond this earth, beyond the gods and the Asuras—what was that first embryo that the waters received, where all the gods together saw it? He was the one whom the waters received as the first embryo, when all the gods came together. On the navel of the Unborn was set the One on whom all the creatures rest. (RV X, 82, 5-6; O’Flaherty 1981:36) In the beginning the Golden Embryo arose. Once he was born, he was the one lord of creation. He held in place the earth and this sky. Who is the god whom we should worship with the oblation? (RV X, 121, 1; O’Flaherty 1981:27) The idea of the golden embryo that conceals cosmic potency precedes the later notion of Brahma≠n˝d˝a (“Brahma-egg”), meaning the implicit primeval existence of the world and the whole universe as totality. The demiurge Prajapati, who was later replaced by Brahma, was said to be born of this primordial egg. The fact that it is the abstract god Brahma who is connected with the cosmic egg gives evidence of new developments in mythology in the period of the decline of the Vedic gods and the ascent of the gods of Brahmanism and epic mythology. An explicit formulation of belief in the cosmic egg can be found in later commentaries to the Samhitas of the Vedas. In °atapatha-Bra≠hman˝a (XI, 1, 6, 1-11) the primordial golden germ is replaced by the golden egg (hiran˝maya an˝d˝a) floating on the ocean and giving birth to the demiurge Prajapati (Weber 1964:831-32). The cosmogony of Cha≠ndogya-Upanis˝ad (III, 19, 1-3) also relies upon the concept of an egg (Radhakrishnan 1994: 399): “In the beginning this (world) was non-existent. It became existent. It grew. It turned into an egg. It lay for the period of a year. It burst open. Then came out of the egg-shells two parts, one of silver, the other of gold. That which was of silver is this earth; that which was of gold is the sky.” These texts probably date from between the eighth and sixth centuries BCE and are about five hunded years later than the Rig Veda Samhita. Ma≠rta≠n˝d˝a (“dead egg”) is an occasional parallel name of the Vedic sun-god Vivasvant. Sometimes the expression is rendered as “born of a dead egg” or “egg’s son,” but these are not literal translations. The dead egg probably denotes a bird-egg as opposed to a living egg, a testicle (Böhtlingk and Roth 1868:880). Indian sources do not assert Ma≠rta≠n˝d˝a to be born of an egg but rather to be as the last son of the goddess Aditi. Karl Hoffmann interprets Ma≠rta≠n˝d˝a as an abortion or miscarriage of Aditi (1957:92-93). Ma≠rta≠n˝d˝a as an appellation of the egg can also be understood as a metaphor. The sun resembles an egg, but such a comparison does not prove the existence of a myth that the sun has been born of an egg. Metaphors of that kind referring to the sun (day-egg, sky-egg, and so forth) can occur in the folklore of peoples who do not share the belief in the cosmic egg. Nevertheless, stories about the sun’s birth from an egg-yolk can be inspired by the objects’ apparent similarity, and metaphors can sometimes be seen as potential or latent myths. W. B. Henning (1954) has written about the reflection of the cosmic egg and a hatching bird in Avesta (Yasht 13, 2-3). However, his rendering is based on a single obscure expression and does not derive from the Gathas, the oldest Iranian sources. This piece of evidence is too doubtful to claim the proto-Aryan origin of the myth and to connect it with Finnish folklore, as has been done by Pentti Aalto, who regards the figure of the bird as an exclusive parallel between the two traditions (1987). (As we saw, the bird is common in the creation myths of the Eastern Mediterranean lands as well.) It is probable that the Aryan tribes who invaded India did not know the myth of the cosmic egg. The later myths of Brahmanda are based on the RigVedic concept of hiran˝yagarbha that Wendy Doniger O’Flaherty calls “a truly pregnant term” with complex connotations. She explains that the second element of the compound means “womb,” “seed,” “embryo,” or “child” in the Rig Veda and later comes to mean “egg” (1981:26-27). It is possible that the myth of the world egg, and other cosmogonic myths that are expounded in the Sanskrit sources, have been influenced by the indigenous oral traditions of India. 9 During the period when the Aryan invaders settled in the basin of the Ganges river, they adopted several non-Aryan ideas and religious observances. The myth of the cosmic egg is found in the folklore of several peoples of eastern Asia and Indo-China. The basic motifs of the Indian and Chinese myths coincide: the demiurge is asserted to be born of the primeval egg. In China this divine being P’an-ku was said to be the forefather of all creatures, just like Prajapati in India (Yuan Ke 1965:41-42). P’an-ku was the primeval giant whose body-parts make up the material world, an origin that connects him with Purusha, the primeval man of the Vedic mythology (RV X, 90) and with other proto-men of Indo-European anatomical cosmologies. There are also essentially different versions of the myth of the cosmic egg in Asia. In the folklore of some of the peoples, the number of primeval eggs is more than one (as in Balto-Finnic songs). In the epic songs of the Miaos who live in China, two gigantic birds are born of eggs and hatch out earth and sky (Jia Zhi 1987:374). Several egg cosmogonies are known among the tribal communities of Assam. According to a Bodo-Kachari myth, the Great Lord created two birds whose three eggs gave birth to spirits, trees, and procreators of mankind. In Karbi folklore the mythical bird wo plakpi laid several eggs out of which were born the progenitors of different peoples and tribes of Assam. In Dimasa creation myth gods, spirits, and ghosts are born out of the seven primordial eggs (Datta et al. 1994:39). Complex and elaborately detailed cosmogonic myths can be found in the sacred texts of the Bon religion in Tibet. An offshoot of the ethnic shamanistic religion, Bon competed with and confronted Buddhism for centuries. The two religious traditions share many common elements, and in philosophy the Buddhist influence on Bon is remarkable; however, Bon also has its own special features such as its cosmogonic lore. Bon literary sources relate diverse myths about the origin of gods, demons, humans, and the realms of the world. Sometimes the number of cosmic eggs varies within the same text, the most common numbers being “two,” “five,” and “nine” (Karmay 1975). The cosmogonic doctrines of Bon seem to be genuinely Tibetan; only the dualistic tendency in myths—the oppositions light vs. darkness, good vs. evil, gods vs. demons, and the like—refers to the probable influence of Iranian religious sources. Different myths about cosmic egg(s) were known in the Malay Archipelago, Australia, and the islands of the South Seas as far as the Americas. There are etiological legends about the birth of heavenly bodies, earth, and the first human beings from eggs. The motif that seems to be most well-known—the birth of the demiurge (Tangaroa, Tangaloa, Ta’aroa) from the primeval egg—corresponds to the traditions of Asia. 10 Finally, let us return to the Balto-Finnic cosmogonic myth that has often been regarded as an ancient borrowing of Oriental origin. There are, however, several points that contradict this theory. The Balto-Finnic songs do not include the motif of the birth of the demiurge from an egg that is central in India and in some Chinese myths; rather, they present a very different version of a bird whose eggs are transformed into heavenly bodies. There seems to be some kind of affinity between the Balto-Finnic myths and those of Tibet, Assam, and some regions of China, while the Indo-European (Indian) version differs widely from them. All of this makes the possible dynamics of borrowing quite mysterious. Such a central myth as the one explaining the origin of the whole cosmos could hardly be adopted through some occasional folklore contact. If the Balto-Finnic myth about the marvelous bird and its eggs is a borrowing, it should have been borrowed from some ethnic group with whom the Baltic Finns had lasting historical contacts. Who could they be? They probably were not the Indo-Europeans, as the Indo-European origin of the myth cannot be definitively established. Cosmic eggs are known in both the Greek (Orphic) and in Indian traditions, but both cases could have been inspired by the myths of neighboring peoples or the local mythological substratum. We cannot refer to the hypothetical Proto-Indo-European heritage and assert that the Baltic, Slavic, Celtic, and Germanic peoples must have known the myth about the cosmic eggs as well. No reliable data in folklore or literary traditions have been discovered to support such a claim. The Balto-Finnic cosmogonic myth can be dated to the period antedating contact between Asia and Europe via the Silk Road. The common form of the runo-song enables us to date it to the first millennium BCE. The prose versions of the myth must have been generally known even before the songs were composed. The scope of variation of different redactions of the Balto-Finnic songs is so remarkable that there is no need to look for one common archetype, a single original form. Martin Puhvel understands the Estonian swallow-song as a basically independent creation, contending that the Estonian and Finnish songs “have fundamentally nothing in common beyond the basic concept of creation of cosmic bodies from birdeggs” (1971:23). True, there are similarities in the composition of the BaltoFinnic songs as shown by Matti Kuusi (1956:83). However, we can suggest that singers of different tribes and localities created their own versions of the songs now and again, as they transformed the sacred etiological lore into the poetic language of runo-song. Among the numerous petroglyphs near Lake Äänisjärv in Karelia are some images that can be connected with the Balto-Finnic cosmogonic myth, an interpretation arrived at by the leading expert on the petroglyphs, K. D. Laushkin. One petroglyph depicts a bird who lays an egg that gives birth to the sun and constellations. These pieces of art have been dated to sometime in the period between the middle of the third millennium and 1850 BCE (Laushkin 1962:277-80; Sawwateyev 1984:119). Likewise, it cannot be mere coincidence that some Lappish, Mordvinian, and Komi cosmogonies are based on motifs associated with cosmic eggs. These traditions should be connected with the mythic lore of the Estonian, Finnish, and Karelian “Creation Song.” The Finno-Ugric myths most probably derive from a common heritage and can thus be dated to the third millennium BCE at the latest. Birds and waterfowl are among the most recurrent mythological motifs of Finno-Ugrians and in Northern Eurasia in general (Antanaitis 1998:63). There is another widespread Uralic cosmogonic myth about a water-bird who dives to the bottom of the primordial ocean and brings back some soil to make the earth (Napolskikh 1989). The Balto-Finnic cosmogonic myth can thus be regarded as an indigenous oral tradition of the region where it has been preserved. The possibility cannot be excluded that the myth is a borrowing from the ProtoEuropean tribes who were later assimilated by the Baltic Finns. The belief in the cosmic egg was probably part of the mythology of Europe before the Indo-European invasion, as shown by Marija Gimbutas (1982:101-7). Works by Uku Masing (1985) and Vladimir Napolskikh (1991) point in the same direction: a possible substratum of the folklore of Proto-European peoples that can be recognized in the Balto-Finnic oral traditions. Thus we are dealing with a remnant of the mythology of the European Stone Age, cosmogonic knowledge that has been transmitted through the millennia.

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    Besides for hg N, which haplogroup O-M175 lineages should have been characteristic of Shandong Neolithic?

    f There is a certain limitation in 'Human population history at the crossroads of East and Southeast Asia (11000bP)' against thinking that Shandong_EN populations might have been directly related to people with modern branches of O-M7. In fact, when Boshan, Dushan (O-M7) and Qihe3 share genetic drift with each other in qpGraph, Boshan separates first, followed by the split of Dushan and Qihe3 before Qihe3’s admixture with mtDNA R9c1b-related population. This would leave O-M7>O-F1276 for Dushan-related populations, while “Austronesian” O-M7>O-Y26395 would be left for Qihe3-related populations, while Shandong_EN Boshan should have been related to some “northern” O-M7*-related population or at least pre-O-M7 O-FGC10545-related individual who is quite rare and was also found in Southern China.

    The situation with O-P164 is different. If one accepts the association of Shandong_EN with mtDNA G1a basing on ancient DNA, then, besides northern populations such Koreans, Daurs and Northern Han Chinese, who have mtDNA G1a, the article "Ancient Mitogenomes Reveal the Origins and Genetic Structure of the Neolithic Shimao Population in Northern China" turns its attention to the presence of G1a in Tai-Kadai Dao and Austronesian Makatao from Taiwan. If one looks at yDNA markers of Dao and Makatao from Pingtung (Pingtung location would be comparable with Pingtung Makatao mtDNAs in Ko et al, 2014), one would notice the presence of O-M7 in both Makatao and Dao, but these O-M7 clades would be ruled out by the limitation from 'Human population history at the crossroads of East and Southeast Asia (11000bP)', and one would notice the presence of O-M4110 in Dao and O-P164(xM134) in Pingtung Makatao, while its absence in Kaohsiung Makatao may point to the fact that O-P164(xM134) is related to mainland populations such as those populations possessing O-M4110.

    The history of migration of O-P164(xM134) in China is already being developed (“Phylogeography of Y-chromosome haplogroup O3a2b2-N6 reveals patrilineal traces of Austronesian populations on the eastern coastal regions of Asia”, https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC5381892/ ), with Shandong being one of the starting points. So O-P164(xM134) such as O-M4110 is probably a candidate to contribute to the Shandong ancestry and to later distribute along with mtDNA G1a within Shandong-related populations and along with yDNA N-M231 included in Shandong_EN populations (N-M231 were also found in Tai-Kadai Dao and Austronesian Pingtung Makatao from Taiwan). Thus, if O-M7-related populations ever lived closer to Shandong in the Late Palaeolithic, they may have been outnumbered by O-P164(xM134) populations.

    As for mtDNA R11, which may also influence the formation of Shandong ancestry basing on Xiaojingshan-related populations as a source for mtDNA R11 in the ARpost9K-related Amur individual, mtDNA R11 was only reported from the Middle Yellow River Basin Shimao-related ancient DNA so far, while it would also be considered “southern mtDNA”.according to southern mtDNA description in “Maternal genetic structure of a Neolithic population of the Yangshao culture”.

    In the post above, I do not insist on the impossibility to think that the Shandong_EN branch (https://i.ibb.co/frctj05/phpil168t.png) might have been influenced by some Late Palaeolithic yDNA O-M7-related population. It is just less likely, if one takes into account various limitations for a closer O-M7 Dushan - Shandong_EN Boshan connection in 'Human population history at the crossroads of East and Southeast Asia (11000bP)'. For example, if people in Japan projected branches of O-P164 onto Shimao_LN-Lajia4k branch, branches of O-M188 Ydna: O-M7 onto Shandong branch, yDNA O-CTS201(xM159) onto AR19K branch, yDNA O-M159 onto Fujian_EN-Qihe3 branch, they would get that their O-M188> O-CTS201(xM159) members were mixed with ANE, because AR19K was likely to be mixed with ANE.

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    mtDNA M1’20’51 representatives as relatives of Northeast Asian and Siberian populations.
    The Native American lineages bear traces of interaction with previous more northern mtDNA M1’20’51 inhabitants.

    In “Human population history at the crossroads of East and Southeast Asia”, as for the “north-south” genetic connection, it appeared to be possible to model Vietnam G2 series containing mtDNA M20 (a branch of mtDNA M1-related mtDNA M1’20’51) as containing DNA of the Siberian KolymaM individual, who is quite likely to be connected to some ancestors of the Yukaghirs.
    The source of the model for ancient “Vietnamese” VT_G2=4% Kolyma + 96%Longlin, Pvalue=0,28 or VT_G2=6% Jomon + 94%Longlin, Pvalue=0,12:
    https://www.cell.com/cms/10.1016/j.c...a9bd51a41/mmc3
    The description of the mtDNA M20-containing Vt_G2 series
    https://www.biorxiv.org/content/10.1...374v1.full.pdf

    On the other hand, the Vietnamese Kinh can be modeled in the following variety of ways in “Ancient DNA indicates human population shifts and admixture in northern and southern China”:
    Kinh= 28%Boshan+12%Kolyma+60%Liangdao2, Pvalue=0,89
    Kinh= 39%Boshan+23%Ikawazu(Jomon)+38%Liangdao2, Pvalue=0,89
    Kinh= 50%Boshan+11%G1 Hoabinhian+39%Liangdao2, Pvalue=0,83 (a lower Pvalue for the use of the G1 Hoabinhian (yDNA C1b) than for Siberian Kolyma and Jomon Ikawazu

    mtDNA M20 found in the ancient Vietnamese VT_G2 series (which has a Japanese Jomon affinity as well) is related to mtDNA M1 also found in Afroasiatic-related Egyptian-related populations (via mtDNA M1’20’51). There is also a notion in Western Eurasia about some Palaeolithic Siberians being related to ancient Australasians (for whom G1 Hoabinhian is also a relative). However, ancient Siberian Kolyma provided a better fit for mtDNA M20-related VT_G2 series than a Jomon or a Hoabinhian G1 (see other models in https://www.cell.com/cms/10.1016/j.c...a9bd51a41/mmc3 “Human population history at the crossroads of East and Southeast Asia”

    The Japanese facial reconstruction of a Jomon female basing on DNA:

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    This lineage of G2a1 is unadmixed with Western Eurasian populations in Le Tao et al, 2023 (“Ancient Genomes Reveal Coexistence of Demic and Cultural Diffusion in the Development of Neolithic Mixed Millet and Rice Farming in Southwest China”)

    G2a1h in Shandong Han, Tibeto-Burman populations as far as India

    The common ancestor of G2a1 existed about 11600 years ago.
    The ancestor of G2a1h is G2a1-b (its common ancestor existed about 9400 years ago).
    The age of G2a1h is estimated at 4100-5300 years ago.
    The list of representatives:
    Number0 G2a1-b: Kham Region of Tibet. Nationality: Tibetan. ID: KT726041
    Number1 G2a1h: Ancient DNA. Female. Pukagongma sarcophagus tomb, Zhiduo County, Yushu Tibetan Autonomous Prefecture, Qinghai Province 2997-2785 years ago. ID: CSP136
    Ancestry proportions (Le Tao et al, 2023):
    K=2
    Western Eurasian 0%
    Eastern Eurasian 100%
    K=7
    [1] Ancient Lhasa/Nagqu/Kyang/Shannan/Lubrak/Suila ancestry: 56%
    [2] Middle and Lower Yelow River Neolithic (Yangshao and Houli Cultures): 36%
    [3] Total Shamanka_EN ancestry: 8%
    K=8
    [1] Ancient Lhasa/Nagqu/Kyang/Shannan/Lubrak/Suila ancestry: 72%
    [2] Middle and Lower Yelow River Neolithic (Yangshao and Houli Cultures): 26%
    [3] DA245 Shamanka_EN ancestry: 2%
    Number2 G2a1h: Ancient DNA. Gebusailu Site, Zanda County, Ngari Prefecture, Tibet, China. 2400 years ago. ID: C3408
    Number3 G2a1h Ancient DNA. Gebusailu Site, Zanda County, Ngari Prefecture, Tibet, China. 2224 BP years ago. ID: C5179
    Number4 G2a1h Weihai City, Shandong Province, China. Nationality: Han Chinese. Male. yDNA O-F2527. ID: AU43904
    Number5 G2a1h Ladakh Region ID: HM036563
    Number6 G2a1h India. ID: FJ383503

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    The unrelatedness of Korean Han, as in the word Han'guk (Korea), and Mongolic Khan (ruler)

    This is connected to the rebuttal of the Japanese theory that Koreans alledgedly derived from Mongols. According to the Chinese views, the Koreans have various Western Eurasian influences (Darividian and Near Eastern influences), but they are not the most important factor in their formation.

    “There are two possible interpretations of the word Han 韓 in the replacement toponym 韓多沙郡 Han Tasa-gun. The first and most likely is that it is an inherited Late Old Chinese (LOC) transcription of the early Koreanic word *kara, the oldest word for 'Koreanic' […] attested in the names of the Sam Han 三韓, the 'Three Koreanic Peoples' of the early Korean Peninsula (i.e., Ma Han 馬韓, Chin Han 辰韓, and Pyŏn Han 弁韓), and also in the name of the Kara state, the latter of which is written in many different transcriptions in contemporaneous sources, for example, the Old Japanese transcription of 韓 as Kara [カラ] ~ [加羅] Kara in the Nihon shoki 日本書紀. Through the process of text transmission, this early transcription 韓 later acquired a Middle Chinese -based pronunciation, eventually becoming the Han of modern Han'guk 韓國 (Korea). The Kara toponym Han in Han Tasagun 韓多沙郡 thus denotes 'East-of-the-River Commandery of Kara' or 'The Koreanic East-of-the-River Commandery'.”

    The Earliest Koreanic Words for ‘Child’, ‘East’, ‘Mountain’, ‘River’, and ‘Shore’: A Comparative-Historical Linguistic Study of Several Kara (Kaya) Toponyms in the Samguk sagi
    Shimunek Andrew
    Acta Koreana
    Keimyung University, Academia Koreana
    Volume 26, Number 1, June 2023

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    This newest article stated the Dawenkou culture origin for the Pingliangtai population and their closeness to the Dawenkou Xixiahou population.
    --------------
    Acta Anthropologica Sinica ›› 2023, Vol. 42 ›› Issue (03): 331-341.doi: 10.16359/j.1000-3193/AAS.2023.0012
    Craniofacial morphology of human remains from the Zhanmatun site of the late Yangshao Period SUN Lei1(), LI Yanzhen1, WU Zhijiang2
    http://www.anthropol.ac.cn/EN/10.163.../AAS.2023.0012
    ------------
    Some ancient DNA from the Pingliangtai site was already known, this was the branch N-M1819, one of the most numerous hg N branches in China.
    PLTM311 Longshan Culture of Pingliangtai, Henan 4063 years ago paternal haplogroup N-TYT34032
    PLTM312 Henan Pingliangtai site Longshan period 4085-3889 cal BP paternal haplogroup N-TYT54942

    The Dawenkou culture origin for this branch of N-M1819, which on the whole has a TMRCA comparable to the age of the Dawenkou culture, probably helps to explain the origin of other branches of N-M1819.

    The following ancient sample from the Qinghai province belongs to the basal branch of N-M1819, namely N-F1020* (CSP054 Zongri Cultural Site, Tuanjie Village, Bagou Township, Tongde County, Hainan Tibetan Autonomous Prefecture, Qinghai Province 4290-4091 cal BP).

    A part of the Tibeto-Burman-speaking Naxi and Yi belong to N-F1020*. The amount of hg N in the Yunnan province Naxi people is ca. 44%.

    According to “Human genetic history on the Tibetan Plateau in the past 5100 years”, the highest Pvalue=0,74 for the ancient series containing 4100-year-old N-F1020* CSP054 Qinghai ancient sample is obtained for the model (49%-4%+0,8%)Zongri5,1K+((51%-0,8%)+4%)Shandong_Early_Neolithic, where Shandong Early Neolithic means Bianbian(N-M231/B5b2)+Boshan(N-M231/B4c1a)+Xiaogao(N9a).

    This is very interesting, because such a model would mean the preservation of the population in the Qinghai province where females were still predominantly genetically related to the Shandong Early Neolithic (the Houli culture, the predecessor of the Beixin and Dawenkou cultures) in spite of this population’s interaction with some local female Qinghai Tibetan Plateau lineages, while the male lineage such as N-F1020 appeared to be a Shandong_EN introgression into the local Qinghai Tibetan Plateau male population, which implies gradual accepting of the lower status local males into the society, which did not undermine the higher status of the initial male population . Such a society is consistent with the “socially stratified” Dawenkou culture. This model supports the migration of the Dawenkou culture’s people as far as the Qinghai province of Northwestern China which was previously proposed archaeologically basing on the similarities in some burials in the Qinghai province and in the Dawenkou culture (those similarities implied the belief in afterlife). [This situation is not unusual, because the Chokhopani yDNA O-M117 Tibetan sample also presents a case of “introgression”, belonging to the “modern” branch of O-M117, whle autosomally being related to the component which separated from other East Asians at least 20000 years ago, according to “Ancient DNA indicates human population shifts and admixture in northern and southern China”]

    The age of such a migration from Shandong should predate 4100 years ago, because ca. 4500-year-old Zongri individuals, who were already modeled using the Yangshao culture and belonged to N-CTS4714 deriving from N-F1020 related to 4100-year-old N-F1020* CSP054, preferred the described 4100-year-old N-F1020* CSP054 series as the source containing the maximum amount of the DNA shared with them. Interestingly, according to the article’s calculations, the Yangshao-like contribution in their case should have derived from yDNA O1b1-Page59-related population which was indeed reported from one of the variants of the Yangshao culture (the Wanggou site).

    To cut a long story short, hg N seems to have been very much alive in the Dawenkou culture, and the Dawenkou culture is likely to produce one of the most numerous yDNA hg N-related populations in China. The Naxi language, though Tibeto-Burman and not that far chronologically from the Burmese language in Myanmar (their split is less than 3000 years ago (https://media.springernature.com/m68..._Fig1_HTML.png)), should have a lot of features related to the language previously spoken by hg N-M231 bearers, at least according to the linguistic modeling in China.

    The described hg N-M1819 samples are located on the tree below:



    Post Scriptum. The mtDNA D4i poulations in general should be related to the Haminmangha branch of Yumin-related populations, according to the modeling of “Human genetic history on the Tibetan Plateau in the past 5100 years”, but their way to the Tibetan Plateau was likely to be independent from hg N, though some of hg N and D4i members met on of the Tibetan Plateau. The mtDNA D4b1a is considered to be related to hg C2 in China, but it came to the Shandong Beiqian site of the Dawenkou culture.

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    The new article "Ancient genomes reveal the complex genetic history of Prehistoric Eurasian modern humans" mentions 8000-year-old Shandong Boshan (yDNA N-M231), but not 9500-year-old Shandong Bianbian (yDNA N-M231), as an ancient Shandong individual who already contacted the Paleosiberian ancestry 8000 years ago, which means that yDNA N-M231 individuals as a whole should not be associated with the Paleosiberian ancestry.


    http://www.anthropol.ac.cn/EN/10.163.../AAS.2023.0010
    Ancient genomes reveal the complex genetic history of Prehistoric Eurasian modern humans
    Acta Anthropologica Sinica ›› 2023, Vol. 42 ›› Issue (03) 15 June 2023
    ZHANG Ming1,2,3, PING Wanjing2,3, YANG Melinda Anna2,4, FU Qiaomei2,3
    1. China-Central Asia “the Belt and Road” Joint Laboratory on Human and Environment Research, Key Laboratory of Cultural Heritage Research and Conservation, School of Culture Heritage, Northwest University, Xi’an 710127; 2. Key Laboratory of Vertebrate Evolution and Human Origins of Chinese Academy of Sciences, Institute of Vertebrate Paleontology and Paleoanthropology, Chinese Academy of Sciences, Beijing 100044; 3. CAS Center for Excellence in Life and Paleoenvironment, Beijing 100044; 4. Department of Biology, University of Richmond, Richmond, VA 23173, USA
    The Paleosiberian ancestry in question which reached Neolithic Shandong by 8000 years ago was likely to be related to the population containing mtDNA D4e1, which contains a mutation T16093C found in a Denisovan and which is distributed in both China and Russia today (T16093C is found in the sequence of one of B4c1a branches related to Boshan (B4c1a2+T16093C); however, among 220 fully sequenced Han Chinese individuals belonging to Bianbian-related mtDNA B5b2, the mutation T16093C was only found in four individuals (1,8%): two individuals from the Jiangsu Province, one individual from the Henan Province, one individual from the Fujian Province ). According to “Mitogenome evidence shows two radiation events and dispersals of matrilineal ancestry from northern coastal China to the Americas and Japan” ( https://www.cell.com/cell-reports/pd...247(23)00424-2 ), mtDNA D4e as a whole should be initially associated with yDNA C2-M217, while some branches of D4e distributed in China rather than in Siberia may be specifically associated with yDNA C2-F1067. According to “Human genetic history on the Tibetan Plateau in the past 5100 years”, the population containing mtDNA D4e1 can be modeled in qpAdm with the addition of the mtDNA D4h3a-related ancient Native American Clovis’ ancestry. In “Mitogenome evidence shows two radiation events and dispersals of matrilineal ancestry from northern coastal China to the Americas and Japan”, the authors propose that mtDNA D4h related to Paleosiberians did not survive in inland Siberia and was substituted by some other haplogroups.



    The Ancient Northern East Asian ancestry
    In “Human population history at the crossroads of East and Southeast Asia since 11,000 years ago”, this article turns attention to the agreement of ancestry percentages obtained using qpGraph and qpAdm for models in this article. In “Human population history at the crossroads of East and Southeast Asia since 11,000 years ago”, there is a statement:
    “GaoHuaHua. GaoHuaHua, like LaCen and Layi, is also best modeled through a 2-way approach. The best model is one where GaoHuaHua is a mixture of northern East Asian ancestry (Boshan, 34%) and Dushan-related ancestry (66%, Table S3).”

    Interestingly, the qpGraph model of the same article, 34% of Boshan ancestry has a limited connection to ancient Longlin of the Guangxi Province of China. Longlin belonged to mtDNA M, while Tianyuan belonged to mtDNA N. Interestingly, the phylogeny of such an mtDNA lineage as M13 in “Maternal genetic history of ancient Tibetans over the past 4,000 years” revealed that a certain mtDNA M clade (for example, M13) clade could initially have a Northern East Asian distribution (however, the northerness of rare mtDNA M clades should be treated with caution as "Ancient Mitogenomes Reveal the Origins and Genetic Structure of the Neolithic Shimao Population in Northern China" listed some rare mtDNA M clades as those characteristic of Southern East Asians). According to "Ancient Mitogenomes Reveal the Origins and Genetic Structure of the Neolithic Shimao Population in Northern China", [i]“The haplogroup analysis found that ancient and present-day Northern East Asians, showed a high proportion of haplogroups A (maximum, 71.43%), C (maximum, 55.00%), D (maximum, 60.00%), and G (maximum, 37.50%) with a north-south declining trend.” However, according to “Maternal genetic structure in ancient Shandong between 9500 and 1800 years ago”, mtDNA A (and M8) and mtDNA C are alien to initial inland Neolithic Shandong populations. The northern branches of mtDNA M observed in Neolithic Shandong included mtDNA D and mtDNA G1a. Another mtDNA M branch reported from the inland Shandong territory is mtDNA M11a (the ancient Tonglin site), while the frequency of mtDNA M11 is higher in Northern Han Chinese (0,81%) than in Southern Han Chinese (0,51%), which is comparable to the northern mtDNA A with a north-south declining trend (the frequency of mtDNA A is 8,53% in Northern Han Chinese vs. 6,54% in Southern Han Chinese). Similarly, the text of “Maternal genetic structure in ancient Shandong between 9500 and 1800 years ago” lists mtDNA M11 in the list of haplogroups which are today characteristic of Northern East Asians, probably due to their appearance in Neolithic Shandong.


    Thus, judging by ancient samples obtained so far ( https://ars.els-cdn.com/content/imag...00657-mmc1.pdf ), initial Northern East Asian mtDNA lineages in Shandong-related populations should include mtDNA D4b2b2, G1a and M11, where at least mtDNA D4b should be initially associated with yDNA C2-M217, according to “Mitogenome evidence shows two radiation events and dispersals of matrilineal ancestry from northern coastal China to the Americas and Japan”.

    Thus, basing on Northern East Asian mtDNA lineages which joined such yDNA N-M231-related populations as Shandong Bianbian, Boshan and Xiaojingshan, these ancient Shandong yDNA N-M231 individuals should be classified as Northern East Asians. The newest article "Ancient genomes reveal the complex genetic history of Prehistoric Eurasian modern humans" classifies Bianbian, Boshan and Xiaojingshan as Northern East Asians, but not as Paleosiberians.


    The Ancient East Asian yDNA N-M231 Bianbian-associated mtDNA B5b2 as a migrant from Northwest East Asia

    In the Yangshao culture article, mtDNA B5 is described as deriving from southern East Asia:
    ”Additionally, from the haplogroup composition, we found that the Qingtai population have fewer proportions of haplogroups that mainly distributed in southern East Asians than that of the late Shandong populations (haplogroups B4, B5, F1, F4, N9a, M9a, and R; 40.8%), which imply that the Qingtai population have fewer southern East Asia components than that of the late Shandong populations.
    However, mtDNA B5 is described as arriving to Shandong via Northwest East Asia in the Palaeolithic in “Maternal genetic structure in ancient Shandong between 9500 and 1800 years ago”:

    A previous study speculated that populations carrying haplogroup B5b migrated from northwestern mainland East Asia into other East Asian areas, bypassing Shandong (…)

    Thus, the pre-Shandong distribution of of mtDNA B5b implies that bearers of Ancient East Asian were expanding out of their Yangtze River Basin-related homeland.

    Another clue for the post-Tianyuan (40000 years ago) expansion of Ancient East Asian individuals beyond their Yangtze River Basin-related homeland of the period 19000-45000 years ago is provided by the ancient European individual Goyet Q116-1 from Belgium (35000 years ago). According to the text of the newest article “Ancient genomes reveal the complex genetic history of Prehistoric Eurasian modern humans”, the most ancient connection between Tianyuan and Goyet @116-1 (1% of mtDNA, while yDNA C1a-V20 Goyet 116-1 (https://www.theytree.com/tree/C-A22263) appeared to belong to mtDNA M32’56* ancestral to some Great Andamanese Onge https://www.theytree.com/mttree/M32'56) was mediated by the BachoKiro-related population (yDNA C1a and F) which circulated between East Asia and Europe. This BachoKiro connection is marked with the violet color gradient on Figure 1A which is reserved for Goyet Q116-1-BachoKiro-Tianyuan connection. The newer Goyet Q116-1-Ancient East Asian connection is marked with a lighter color gradient of the Ancient East Asian shade (absent on the Tianyuan side, but present on the mtDNA B AR33K side, though AR33K did not interect with BachoKiro and Goyet Q116-1 herself according to the article) which is further lightened at the very edge of Goyet Q116-1 which implies the connection between Goyet Q116-1 and Basal Eurasian (the Near East). This newer connection between Goyet Q116-1 and the Ancient East Asian is consistent with the interaction of mtDNA M32’56 bearers (BachoKiro-related, mtDNA M32’56 shared a basal mutation with a Denisovan) and mtDNA M40* bearers without Denisovan and Neanderthal mutations (mtDNA M40 also interacted with some mtDNA B5b2 yDNA N-M231 Shandong Bianbian ancestors).

    The possible limited Basal Eurasian connection within Goyet Q116-1 implies that mtDNA M40-related populations traveled via the Southern Route. It would be interesting to know which population history mtDNA M40 bearers’-influenced population had had prior to their possible mixing with mtDNA B5b in Northwestern China. It is possible to find out if one draws an yDNA N-M231 Boshan - yDNA N-M231 Bianbian cline on Figure S1C of “Human population history at the crossroads of East and Southeast Asia since 11,000 years ago”, because yDNA N-M231 Shandong Bianbian is known to combine genetic features of mtDNA M40-related and mtDNA B5b-related populations



    Post Scriptum. It was already mentioned that 49% of male-related DNA in yDNA N-M231 Bianbian could be modeled in “Human genetic history on the Tibetan Plateau in the past 5100 years” using LA368 Hoabinhian and Great Andamanese Onge. However, the newest article "Ancient genomes reveal the complex genetic history of Prehistoric Eurasian modern humans" provided a clue that yDNA C1b LA368 Hoabinhian was already mixed with Ancient East Asians, thus 49% Hoabinhian-related DNA in Bianbian can mean that those 49% derive from a mixture of Hoabinhian-like and East Asian-related ancestry rather than solely from Hoabinhian-related ancestry
    Last edited by Oasis; 08-04-2023 at 08:22 PM.

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